1852 Delegations

 

President in 1852:  Millard Fillmore

Commissioner of Indian Affairs:  Col. Luke Lea

 

Jan. 7, 1852:  Daily National Intelligencer [Arapaho, Cheyenne, Iowa, Oto, Sioux]

            Indian Interview and Presentation.

            Yesterday being appointed for the final interview of the Prairie Indians now in the city with the President of the United States, they were first received by Col. Lea, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, at the Indian Bureau, being conducted by Major Fitzpatrick, Indian agent for the Upper Platte, accompanied by interpreters, Mr. James s Smith, for the Arrapahoes and Cheyennes, and Mr. Joseph [Tesson?] Honore for the Sioux and Ottoes.

            Having entered the Commissioner's room, the Indians, men and women, were distributed around it, and addressed by Col. Lea on the subject of their visit to the president, with other remarks incidental thereto, but generally appropriate to the business which brought the delegation to Washington.

            Before proceeding further it will be well enough to give the names of the Indians, as many of them are strikingly picturesque and expressive.  The delegation proper consist of men from four distinct nations, the Arrapahoes and Cheyennes, living about the Upper Arkansas; the Sioux, along the foot of the Rocky Mountains; and the Ottoes, of the plains west of the Missouri river.  Besides these, there are two Iowas, who were induced by some white men to leave their homes and come into the white settlements, where they were abandoned.  It is to be hoped that Congress will ere long, for humanity's sake, take this matter in hand, and by legislative restriction put a stop to abuses of this sort which have been the cause of much suffering to the unsuspecting children of the wilds, who have in some cases been taken even to Europe, and there at length left to the mercy of circumstances.

            There are three Arrapahoes.--Nea Hetha, or Eagle-head; Nakoubatha, the Storm; On narks, the White Crow.

            Three Cheyennes.--Voki Vokomast, White Antelope; Kai Veonnave, Little Chief; Voi Vatosh, he who moves on the cloud.

            Five Sioux--Haiwan Sitsa, one Horn; Wambalupe Luta, the Red Plume; Ponkesko Wechasa, the man made of Shells; Echakaha Keekta, the Wary Elk; and Mahga or the Corn Nubbin.

            The male Ottoes are two.--Wahdoshomanye, the faithful Partisan; Wahchaicheekeree, the Partisan that killed his enemy on his return.

            The two male Iowas are--Lowwayee, Little Beaver, and Wohchitchie, the Hunter.

            There are three Otto women, squaws or wives of some of the foregoing.  Their names are:  Pahtookekrehmee, the Cedar Tree; Enokopee, the Wife, and Howepee, Good Day.  There is an Iowa woman, who glories in the euphonious and poetic designation of Mahwemee,, the Budding Leaf.

            It having been represented that some jealousy and considerable discussion had arisen amongst the delegation, for a few days previous to the interview, on account of the alleged inequality of rank of Muhga, who belongs to the Seosapa or Blackfeet band of the Sioux, and who furnished no evidence of his being accredited by his band, beyond his own testimony, Col. Lea addressed the Indians.

            He said that he had understood that dissatisfaction had arisen amongst them, as to whether the Sioux then present were all equal.  He was sorry for it, but at the same time deemed it proper, on all accounts, that for all the purposes of their mission they should now and here be considered equal, no matter what might be the difference of position they held at home.  Neither the Commissioner (Col. Lea) himself, nor their Great Father, the President, would inquire into that matter.  They would all be considered as fully and fairly representing before the Government of the United States their respective tribes.  (Here the Indians uttered their satisfied response of Ugh, ugh.)  He hoped this would be satisfactory, and that no jealousies or heartburnings would be entertained on this subject any more.  They were now to be treated with in their official capacity; it was in their light they would be met by their Great Father, the President.  The hour is now arrived (continued Col. Lea) to wait on the President, whom you have all seen before.  You know how to behave before him.  If any desire to speak to him he will gladly hear you; he will listen to you attentively, and you may speak without fear and in the utmost confidence.  Speak freely to him or whatever is in your hearts, and he will give you and your words the kindest consideration.

            The Indians then left the Bureau for the President's House, where, after waiting a short time in the East room, they were conducted into the circular reception room, a considerable party of ladies and gentlemen being gathered to witness the interview.  Amongst them we noticed Mrs. Fillmore, Madame Kossuth, who sat at Mrs. Fillmore's side, and the Countess Pulzsky; Mr. Secretary Stuart; Postmaster General hall, Attorney-General Crittenden, and w. W. Corcoran, Esq.

            Col. D. D. Mitchell, of St. Louis, Superintendent of Indian Affairs, was present, and assisted in the business of the interview.

            Mr. Commissioner Lea apprized the President of the object of the Indians' call upon him.  They were soon going home, and had called to pay their parting respects to him; and to the Indians he intimated that, had they any thing to say, the resident would no doubt listen attentively to them.

            The President remarked that he was happy on this occasion to meet his red children once more, and would be glad to hear whatever they might have to say.

            Here some movement was made by the Indians for a smoke, which was declined at present, as they were informed, because the ladies who were there might be inconvenienced by it.  To this they seemed very readily to assent.

            Wahdoshomanye then advanced, shook hands, and addressed the President.  His speech was brief.  He had come to see his Great Father, and was indeed glad to see him.  he would not now say more than how glad he was; he would wait till the others had spoken, and would speak last.  The President replied by saying he also was glad to meet his red friend he hoped the Great Spirit had smiled upon him and blessed him since he had been in Washington with good health and happiness; he would gladly hear him after the others had done.

            Nacoubatha advanced, and said he had come to see his Great Father from a long, very long, distance.  He had come to shake hands, to be friendly, to be at peace.  The Arraphoes were poor; they had nothing in their country; they were not like the whites; and he hoped their Great Father would take pity upon them.  He hoped his Great Father would give him some emblems, in order to show his people when he got home that his Great Father would do something for their nation.  He was glad to see so many meeting here as friends who had formerly been enemies, and hoped that the Superintendent and Agent will be able to keep peace hereafter.  After his long visit here, his people will be very glad to have him home again.

            Wambalupe Luta, a Sioux, said that he did not come here of his own accord.  (This was probably a hit at poor Mahga.)  He was invited here.  He had been well received and kindly treated, and he would in his own country return this kindness to the whites he might meet there.  A treaty had been made--a treaty of peace.  All the Indians had shaken hands; they were no longer each other's enemies.  He was poor, had no learning, but he was somebody in his own country; he had made peace, and he hoped it would be good.  He hoped he would be sent back on horseback, and have something given him to show that he had been here.  He hoped he would find his children alive, and that all would be well when he hot home.  He repeated his wish for something to take home.

            Voki Vokomast was under many obligations for the pleasure of this interview.  he was proud and rejoiced to meet so much company.  He was proud and rejoiced to meet so much company.  He had no idea of the distance he had to travel to see his Great father.  He had left wife, children, and property to come here, in the hope that all would be right.  The distance he had come was very great.  My Great Father, (said he,) look at us all; we are very poor, we are all in skins; we must come to you for help; we hope you will give us some emblems to prove to our people that you will take compassion on us.  When he left home he had many animals; does not know if any are left.  Hoped he would be sent home on horseback.  Also, he hoped he would get a little pocket change to pay his way with.  Major Fitzpatrick and the superintendent knew that they would want some little money.  Did not know till he had seen Major Fitzpatrick and some others what the whites were, but now he had seen greater than they.  He hoped he would not be sent the way he came, but up the Arkansas, for it was on that river his people lived, and not on the north fork of the Platte.

            The President told them how happy he was to see them all; hoped they had spent a pleasant time in Washington; was glad that they had made treaties of peace, and said that the Great Spirit would always bless them if they faithfully observed these treaties.  We know you are poor, but in order to be better off it will be best for you to lay aside the chase and have recourse to agriculture.  The Government of the United States looks upon you as its children; it will send persons to teach you to cultivate the soil and to manufacture cloth to wear instead of skins.  (Here a loud ugh, ugh from the Indians.)  Our people desire a road through your country to California and Oregon; they might also want to purchase some of your lands, but in every instance you shall be paid a fair compensation.  If in any case they misbehave or refuse to pay you, make known the matter to the agents, and if our people are in the wrong they shall be punished.

            Some of you have asked to go home on horseback; this we cannot grant; you will return with the Indian agent, party by the railroad cars, which go as much faster than a horse as the wind does than a buffalo.  The commissioner of Indian Affairs will provide you with money to pay all your expenses till you return home to your own people.  "And now," said the President, "as a token of my regard for you, and as a testimony to take home to your own people, I give each of you my likeness on a valuable medal."

            The Medals were then placed on the neck of each of the Chiefs by Major Fitzpatrick.

            The President then pointed them to the American flag which was held up before them.  Addressing them he said, "I shall present each of you a flag like this.  when you raise it at your homes you must remember that you are one with us; that you are part of the same people, for one people have only one flag.  This flag is only for the American people and their friends.  If you ever listen to wicked advisers who would turn you against us, and you become our enemies, you must destroy this flag.  Remember this.  And now, my red children, I have done speaking to you.  I have said all I wished to say.  may the Great Spirit bless you all, and may you find your families and your people happy, and glad to see you on your return."

            The President admonished them that though the medals were for each as n individual, the flags were given to each tribe or band.  He had given them because of the confidence he reposed in them, and in their friendship and faithfulness to the people of the United States.  "If you want any thing else, make known your wants to your friend Commissioner Lea, and he will take care to supply you with whatever is necessary."

            A general shaking of hands then took place, during which Madame Kossuth and Countess Pulszky showed particular interest in the squaws present, much to the satisfaction of the latter.

            After the return of the Indians from the White House we had an opportunity of ascertaining the result of the day's proceedings on their minds.  They were highly delighted, and represented the great relief they experienced in the lifting off of a weight that had been theretofore pressing heavily on their spirits.  They said that as soon as they saw the President they knew he was a good man, and the knowledge of this completely relieved their anxiety.

            We have reason to think that the remarks of the President on this interesting occasion will be of great service to the cause of peace on the Western Plains; they were conceived in the right spirit, and, in the judgment of the veteran agent in charge, must produce very way happy effects.

            It is thought that the Delegation will leave Washington this week for their respective homes.

 

Jan. 9, 1852:  Daily National Intelligencer [Arapaho, Cheyenne, Iowa, Oto, Sioux;

            Omaha]

            Indian Visit to Kossuth

            Yesterday, about one o'clock, the Indian delegations now in the city waited on M. Kossuth at his room at Brown's Hotel, at his special invitation.  He received them with a great deal of cordiality, and in a brief address expressed to them the really sincere pleasure he derived from the visit, and the opportunity they had afforded him of making the acquaintance of some of the aboriginal inhabitants of this vast happy country.  He informed them that, like them, he was at a great distance from his native land; though, happily for them, they were not like him in another respect--they were not exiles.  In parting, he presented each of them with a medal as a memorial, and hoped that it would occasionally bring him back to their recollections with feelings of regard and interest as warm and sincere as he really entertained for them.  These remarks being duly interpreted to the Indians, they were received by them with gratification.

            It is now pretty certain that the Indians will leave this city on Sunday next.  We hear that another delegation, or party of, twenty-three, principally Omahas, will arrive here on Monday.  What their specific business is with the Government has not yet transpired.

 

Jan. 15, 1852:  Daily National Intelligencer [Cherokee]

            The Cherokee Council have appointed John Ross, principal chief of the Nation, Joseph Vann, Thomas Pegg, Lewis Downing, and James Kell delegates to Washington, to sell the "neutral land" to the United States.

 

Jan. 23, 1852:  Daily National Intelligencer [Omaha]

            More Indians of the Plains.--A delegation of sixteen Omaha Indians, from the Nebraska country, west of the Missouri and north of the Platte, arrived here on Wednesday [Jan. 21] with their interpreter.  Ten of these are men and six women, two of the latter being favorite wives of the principal chief, "Two Grizzly Bears," his other three having been left at home to take care of the papooses.  The delegation is accompanied by Messrs. Wheelon and Johnson, and have undertaken their long journey of four months duration--in the course of which they have suffered much from sickness--in order to represent in person to the Government of the United States the severe hardships and privations suffered under existing circumstances by their tribe.  No less than five roads from the United States to Oregon and California traverse their country, along which thousands of emigrants annually pass.  By this the Indians suffer in the lavish consumption of their pasturage and timber, which latter is rather scanty, and the expulsion of game to within the limits of the neighboring tribes, whither they dare not pursue it.  They are consequently reduced to a very destitute condition, and have left to them no other hope but what is contained in an appeal to the justice and mercy of this Government.

 

Jan. 30, 1852:  Daily National Intelligencer [Omaha]

            Indian Interview.

            On Wednesday [Jan. 28] about noon the Omaha Indians now in Washington, under appointment of Col. D. D.Mitchell, Superintendent, paid their first visit to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, at his Bureau, in the War Department building.  They were accompanied thither by Messrs. F. J. Wheeling and J. E Johnson, of Council Bluff, as their friends and advisers, and Louis Sans Souci, their interpreter.

            The object of their visit to Washington is to make representations to the Department of the circumstances in which the tribe are now placed, the destitution to which, by no fault of their own, they have been reduced, and to ask such assistance and redress as a just and paternal Government will not refuse to grant to its helpless dependants.

            The delegation includes ten Chiefs, constituting, as we are informed, the principal Authority and Council of the Nation, six Squaws, and the Government Interpreter above named.  The Principal Chief, Man-choo-ne-ba, is accompanied here by two of his five wives, thought to be favorable specimens of Indian beauty.

            The story of their compliant is substantially this.  About twenty years ago the Omaha tribe concluded a treaty with agents of the United States Government, whereby they ceded certain lands within the present State of Iowa, and known as the Pottawatamie district, extending north to the Sioux river.  All north they claim to have reserved as hunting grounds, and still consider as their own.  But the whites are settling on this very land, and disallow the tribe claiming to be its rightful owners even the liberty of seeking the scanty remnant of game left upon its surface.

            The Mormons, in their exodus, sought and obtained permission to make a temporary lodgment in the Omaha territory, on condition that the Indians were to be left in quiet and undisputed possession of the houses, fields, and fences which the Mormons should construct and cultivate during their stay.  In part only was this engagement fulfilled.  Those of the Mormons who continued west and kept onward to the country of the Salt Lake, obeyed the stipulations, probably from their sheet inability to take the property in questions away  Those who preferred remaining behind, in the settlements along the left bank of the Missouri, disregarded their engagements, and carried across the river the logs and materials of which their houses and improvements consisted.  Thus, after living upon the game of the tribe, and cutting vast quantities of their scanty timber, they left behind as the only mementoes of their residence ruined forests and naked prairies.

            Since the great rush of emigration to the new Territories of California, Utah, and Oregon, roads to the number of five have been run through the country of the tribe, which roads are fed by almost a score of ferries across the Missouri.  Along these roads hundreds, nay thousands of wagons annually pass, causing as the immediate consequence the destruction or expulsion of the game, the consumption of vast quantities of timber, and the spoliation of their grazing lands.

            Year after year the Omahas have suffered from these causes; they have seen their wives and children becoming more and more destitute, and year after year they have applied to their regular Agent for redress; but in vain.  Wearied with sufferings, and the neglect of their Agent, they have at length come to wait upon the Government itself.

            Surrounded as the Omahas are by much stronger and more numerous tribes, the Ponkas, the Sioux, the Otoes, and the Pawnees on the west, and the whites on the east of the Missouri they are necessarily confined to a small and now improverished territory.  If they stray beyond their limits in quest of game, they are either destroyed or driven back; nor are their rights within their own confines respected, for their red neighbors have robbed, plundered, and murdered numbers of their people.

            It is the boast of the Omahas that they have never raised their weapons upon the whites, and never do they wish to do it.  They profess not to fear death, but they fear to do wrong, and to make the Great Spirit angry  In coming to Washington to see their Great Father they come not as beggars, but to ask what is clearly their right, for they say they would rather die like men then starve like dogs.  For the injuries inflicted on them by the whites they have never taken any payment; they come to their Great Father to see what he will do for them.  They wish to learn the use of the plough, to raise corn, and the like.

            Their lands lie between the Nebraska or Platte, and Missouri rivers:  it is a beautiful, fertile, healthy country, though with a scarcity of timber.  However, coal, iron, chalk, salt, and other minerals abound in some parts.  The climate is mild, and but little snow falls during the winter.  The streams are clear, cool, and swift, and well stored with abundance of fine fish.  All the agricultural operations of the tribe are performed by the squaws with hoes, who, as may be supposed, produce but a very few acres of corn per year.

            We have reasons to believe that, though the visit of this delegation has not been conducted according to the established form in such cases, the Government will overlook the irregularity, at least to the extent of instituting an investigation into the circumstances, and applying whatever remedy, if any, the case might appear to demand.

            In personal appearance and demeanor these Indians are, comparatively at least, prepossessing, and exhibit much mental scope.  The addresses of the Chief before mentioned, and the Orator, White Buffalo, to the Commissioner on Wednesday, were very bold and spirited, and couched in appropriate and manly terms.

 

Feb. 4, 1852:  Dollar Newspaper [Phila., Pa.] [Arapaho, Cheyenne, Iowa, Oto, Sioux]

            Lola Montez Among The Indian Chiefs.—

            One of the most piquant and interesting scenes was ever witnessed was, a few days since, at Root’s Daguerrean Gallery, 140 Chestnut Street.  The extremes of human life met and mingled!  There was Lola Montez, from the Old World, and seven Indian Chiefs, from the New—a delicate lady from the Courts of Kings, and painted, feathered, warriors from the wigwams of the Rocky Mountains—a specimen such as the most complex civilization alone could produce, and specimens coming from Nature first-hand, and showing not even the slightest touch of civilization!  The two hours they passed by them together were full of curious interest.  The lady was in the highest spirits—gay, frolicsome, frank and inquisitive as a girl of fifteen!  She was, in a moment, on the most familiar terms with the red-men, asking and receiving answers to a thousand questions touching their life, opinions and feelings.  In fact, she completely charmed them, and they absolutely got quite jealous of each other, in contending for her favorable notice.  She sat several times for her Daguerreotype, and every time held one of the Chiefs by the arm.  We can easily conceive how she might have fascinated even Kings!  But her fascination must have been, not only those of extraordinary intellect, but of womanhood in its simplest elements.  In manner, and even in appearance, she made the impression of an exceedingly lively, impulsive, and quite pretty young girl… [more effusive descriptions of her omitted] In short, Lola Montez charms as well as the Chiefs;…[more girlish descriptions]  The likenesses, both of Lola and of the noble Chiefs, are in Root’s best and most admirable style.

 

Feb. 4, 1852:  Daily National Intelligencer [Omaha]          

            Indian interview with the President.

            Monday [Feb. 2] having been appointed by the President for the purpose of giving an audience to the Omaha Indians now in Washington, they first proceeded to the Indian Bureau, whence they were accompanied to the President's by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Col. D. D. Mitchell, the Superintendent, and others in charge.  The President met his red friends in his office up stairs.  Col. lea, the Commissioner, introduced them in the usual manner.  The Indians shook hands with the President, and with Mr. Conrad, Secretary of War, who was in the room at the time of their entrance.

            Col. Lea having briefly explained to the president the object of their visit to Washington, the President said he was happy to meet his red brethren on this occasion.  The Great Spirit had blessed them all with a clear day, and if they had any thing to say, he, the president, would e mot happy to hear them.

            Tai-thau, or the White Buffalo, then rose to speak, but was for a few moments anticipated by the Interpreter, who apologized for his own imperfect acquaintance with the English language.  he thanked the Government for the kindness it had shown him in affording him the opportunity to learn the English language by putting him to school, and he regretted that he should not be able to acquit himself as he could wish.  He was much better acquainted, he said, with the Omaha than with the English, but would endeavor to do his best, and make himself understood.

            To this the President remarked that he would make his language very simple, that every word might be well understood.

            Tai-thau then addressed his Great Father, as interpreted, by saying that he and his friends had not come here without business.  They lived a great way off; their homes were very distant.  he had heard of their Great Father many times; ever since he was a boy he had heard of him.  His Great Father had red children and white children.  The Omahas went by the law of their Great Father, and whatever he said they would endeavor to obey as nearly as they can.  he had been wishing to come here for two or three years, but had no means.  He had looked about him, at this people and his country, but he saw no means to come.  he could not have come but for his friends, the warm friends that had come with them here to see their Great Father.  When he was a little boy he had set out to come to see his Great Father, but he could not find the way, and turned back.  It was his friends (Messrs. wheeling and Johnson) that had brought them here to-day.

            True, said Tai-thau, we are a poor people.  I have been looking for what is good; I could not find it.  We are here to have a talk; I will tell you all our feelings, and will speak out.  I came here of myself; my people did not send me here; I am glad I am here to talk with you.  Our people at home, we know, are thinking about us and looking for us, and when we return they will ask us how our Great Father has acted with us.  I have travelled a good deal on account of my people; I have done no good; but still I will travel round till I do some good, and I will not stop.  I speak not only for myself, but for my nation; these chiefs here are not very old; but they are men, and they will have influence with our nation one of these days.  We know of ourselves we can do nothing for ourselves; we come here to get help of you.  A great any of the redskins will make a treaty one day and break it the next; that is not the way with us; we will make it stand.  I will tell you my grievances now.

            When I return home I will tell my people that I have spoken as to my Great Father above.  Ever since I can recollect the Kaws have been stealing horses from me; I feel it very bad.  There is another nation (Osages) living close by us; we thought them friends, but they have been enemies.  I am sorry they are not here to hear my speech.  I wish we were all here before our Great Father together.  I will tell you of another nation, (Ottoes).  Every time I go out to hunt they dig out our caches, take our horses, and sell them to the white men.  These people (the Ottoes) have no ears; they do not listen to what you say.  You gave them a new heart, (medals,) but they do not listen to what you say.  When they go home from here they disregard you.

            Another tribe (Pawnees) do the same.  when we are on our hunt they come to our country and take what we leave behind, and steal our horses.  There are four bands of them.  There is another tribe, (Sioux,) who do worse things than that.  As I travel over my country I find it scattered all over with the bones of my people, killed by the Sioux.

            I could do the same things, but I will not.  I wanted to hear what you would say about it; I hoped to hear from you about it, but could not.  I wanted your word.  These are all the Indians that have been playing this game on me.

            I will now commence on our pale face friends, your children.  Before they passed through our country, we lived happy; now we are starving, and people starving cannot live happy.  When we saw our pale face friends passing we did not know where they were going.  We thought you would know something about it, and we thought to come here and see you about it.  They travel two or three months before they get through with their travel.  Our friends, the Mormons, we gave permission to live on our lands, and they agreed when they went away to leave everything to us.  But when they went away we could see nothing that they left behind but stumps of trees, and no trees there.

            Another thing I have to say, and that is about the treaty.  We sold only a part of the country easy of the Missouri; I know the line all the way myself.  They that are living on it are better hunters than we; they catch game by hundreds; we cannot do that.  This country I am talking of is very plain; we sold lower down towards the Missouri; the land north we did not sell.  I have not come to beg in what I have said to-day, but come to get our rights.  I come to tell you that you may know it yourself.

            I have something to say about my father, the Agent.  when I had a pretty good looking mule he would say, "Ah, ah, I will give you so much for this mule."  This is what my father does, and he does the same to the Pawnees.  Our father made other people obey him, and ordered them to give the Omahas good hickory, (a whipping,) and many of our people have suffered and been pained.  When we go to complain tto our father, the Agent, he knows how to do; he picks up a stick, and whittles it, and will not listen to us.  Our father had his brother-in-law to trade with us, but our father was the partner with him, and the principal trader.  A thing that made on feel very bad was this:  those Indians that were last here met us, and sent a letter here to you, saying we were not proper to come here and see our Great Father.  We have heard it has been said we have been showing ourselves, and saying we were the best looking Indians, and have gone about to show ourselves; we have not come here for any such purpose, but to have a talk with you.  The friends that have brought us here are our best-friends.

            I have done, and am glad that I have been able to speak to my Great Father.

            Monchooneba, or yellow Snake, spoke next.  He represented the confidence he felt in speaking to his Great Father, and asked if he had not a right, for when had he ever stolen a coat, or a horse, or a blanket from his Great Father.  He spoke of the nakedness and poverty of his tribe; the clothing they now had on was bought by the way, for at home they were naked and destitute.  He said the cause of their coming was to get help and redress in their extremity, not to show themselves off, or to do anything wrong.

            Each of the party in his turn made a brief address, differing nothing, however, in substance from what was said for them by the first speaker.

            The President replied by repeating his gratification at meeting his red friends.  He was happy to meet them in the presence of so many of the chiefs of the white people; the Secretary of the Interior, who takes care of all his children, white and red; the Secretary of War, the great war-chief, the chief who takes particular care of the Indians, and who attends to all their wants.  the President was glad to hear the Omahas were good Indians, and when they made a treaty always kept it.  He knew they had come a long way, and without the father he had sent amongst them.  He was sorry the father he had sent amongst them had not done as he ought to do I am sorry, said the President, to hear he takes your mules, and otherwise gives you dissatisfaction.  If, on inquiry, I should find that this is the case, and that his brother-in-law is trading with you as his partner, I shall see that he is punished for his misconduct.

            I cannot go and see my red children myself, nor can the War Chief here, nor the Secretary of the Interior, nor even your Father, the Commissioner of Indian Affairs.  If the men we have sent have done wrong, we will have them punished.  I am sorry to hear that the Osages, and the Pawnees, and the Ottoes, and Sioux have been guilty of stealing your provisions and horses and mules; I will do what I can to have it permited hereafter.  I am also sorry to learn that the Sioux have killed your people, and have left their bones upon the ground.  The Great Spirit don't like war.  and I do not like war, and I am glad to hear that you do not wish to go to war, and that you are for peace.  I am sorry to hear that the whites in passing through your country give you trouble.  We do not intend them to do you any harm, and they must pay you for all they get of you.  Still, we want you to let them go through your country; it is the only way they have to go to our possessions on the Western ocean.  I hope you will not plunder or injure their property, and they shall not be permitted to harm yours.  I am sorry to hear what you have said about the Mormons; we will take care that such things shall not be done hereafter.  I do not intend to let any whites live on the land you have not ceded to the United States.  You say your nation is poor; that you dress in skins, have no clothes, and that you live by the chase.  it gives me great pain to know that my red children have suffered.  The only way to permit this hereafter is to depend on what you raise, and the cattle you keep for your support.  In the summer you must plant corn, raise cattle and hogs, and then live upon them in the winter.  To enable you to do so I will get the Great Council to buy you some hoes, and axes, and shovels to till your ground with and raise your corn.  Then you will not be afraid of starving hereafter.  You see how many white people live in the great cities and towns, and steamboats and railroad cars in this country.  The reasons of the difference between them and you is, that the whites till the ground, and raise plants to live upon.

            I want all my children, red and white, to live in peace, and I wish to see them all prosperous and happy, and none of them in danger of starving.  It is a mistake that you have heard that the Ottoes have sent a letter to me speaking ill of you.  I have received no such letter.  I will get the Great Council to give me power to give you some clothing and provision as well as hoes and axes.  But you must not be impatient, for it takes some time for the Great Council to do this, and they will only do it by your being good children, obeying the laws, and keeping peace.  This is all I have to say to you.  I wish you a pleasant journey home, and that you will find your friends and people well, and that you may be satisfied with your journey to your Great Father.  If you have ay trouble hereafter get some one to write to me, and we will look into the matter, so that you shall have justice.

            The Indians then, after a general shaking of hands, left the room for their own quarters at Maher's Hotel.

 

Feb. 5, 1852:  Daily National Intelligencer [Omaha]

            The Omaha Indians yesterday responded to an invitation from the Hon. Senator Douglas, in calling upon him at his house.  He addressed them on the subject of their visit to Washington, assuring them of the interest he took in the welfare of all the Indian tribes, and particularly of those who, like the Omahas, had shown themselves to deserve so well from the Government.  He told them he belonged to the Great Council of his native, and that he would in the Great Council aid their Great Father in his efforts to redress their grievances.  He lived in the West, near their country, and had always taken an interest in their affairs.  He touched upon several of the points mentioned y the principal speaker of the Omahas at the President's House the previous day, according to our yesterday's report.  Respecting their complaints of the treatment they suffer from the hands of the Sioux, Pawnees, and others, Mr. Douglas said that all the Indians had their own proper boundaries, within which they must keep.  He held in this respect very much the views of their great Father, and he could assure the Omahas that means would be taken to permit the repetition of such conduct as they had complained of on the part of their more numerous and powerful neighbors.

            The Omahas had done very rightly, under the severe provocations they had received both from Indians, and the whites who had passed through their country; not to retaliate evil for evil, but to bear patiently their sufferings, and to come here to their Great Father and relate them in person to him.  For what damages they had suffered he should advocate their being paid.  It would not be long, he thought, before their Great Father would send soldiers into their country to guard them from the other Indians and the evil-disposed whites.  There would be a great change in their country before long; the whites would come and settle amongst them, (referring we suppose, to the contemplated organization of the Territory of Nebraska,) when they would enjoy many opportunities of improvement they have not now.  He hoped that if there were any more attempts made to harm or oppress them they would write a letter to him as their friend, as well as to their Great Father, and let him know all about it.

            The interview was very gratifying to the Indians, who were on their part quite communicative.

 

Feb. 18, 1852:  Daily National Intelligencer [Omaha]

            The Omaha Indians.--We are glad to learn that the Indian Bureau has recommended Congress to make provision for the necessities of these Indians whilst here, and for their return home at an early period.  No doubt this just and proper measure will meet the approbation of the National Legislature, and these sons of the wilds be enabled to return early enough in the season to keep their people quiet, and permit otherwise possible difficulties between them and the emigrants who will soon be moving towards Oregon and California.

 

March 1, 1852:  Daily National Intelligencer:  [Omaha]

            The Omaha Indians.--We learn that the delegation from this tribe now here are growing quite tired and inpatient at remaining so long from their homes and people.  They wish to get back before the emigration westward from Iowa shall have commenced, in order to permit serious differences and difficulties which might occur between the emigrants and their tribe.  Considerately impressed with their circumstances, Col. Lea, the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, has done whatever lay in him to aid their reasonable views and purposes, and we hear that he will give these poor children of the wilds a further and final hearing to-day at noon, when such consideration will be shown them, by way of presents and otherwise, as will probably have the effect of restoring their good will and sending them home pretty well contented.  A sum of twenty-five hundred dollars has been asked of Congress to defray their expenses whilst here, and the cost of their travelling home.  This sum would seem to be hardly adequate for, in addition, they should be supplied with sufficient and decent clothing.  A few hundred dollars additional might ultimately prove to be a great saving.

 

March 2, 1852:  Daily National Intelligencer [Omaha]

            Closing Indian Interview.

            Yesterday about noon the closing interview of the delegation of Omaha Indians with the Commissioner of Indian Affairs took place at the office of the latter.

            Col. Lea told his red friends that he had sent for them to come and meet him once more before they set out for their distant homes.  He was sorry they had been detained in Washington so long.  Could he have controlled their affairs they should have been ere this near their homes.  When Indians come to Washington, invited by their Great father, he has every thing arranged beforehand, and then every thing goes on well.  But when they come here without his previous notice he is not prepared, and then matters do not go on so well.  In their case (the Omahas) the best had been done that the circumstances permitted; we had been glad to see them, and had treated them kindly.

            Now, that they were going home he wished them to remember a few things he had to say, and to communicate it to their brethren when they got back:  Col. Lea said he had listened attentively to all their complaints, and his heart was grieved at the recital of their sufferings.  They had by their visit enjoyed a good opportunity to see this vast country, the number and strength of the people, and how great their Great Father is.  Their Great Father had many chiefs under him to attend to the different affairs of his children; it was his (Col. Lea's) business to look after the interests of his red children.

            I take (said Col. Lea) a deep interest in all that concerns Indian Affairs, and I am always sorry to hear that any of my red children are unhappy, dissatisfied, or not doing well.  I am always sorry for their misfortunes, and have a heart to feel for them and to them all the good in my power.  I have, therefore, felt deeply interested in the unhappiness of your people.  I told you I would consider your case, reflect upon it, and see what could be done.

            I have done so since I saw you and talked with you before.  I have been thinking much about the Omaha Indians, to consider what was best for them, and to put an end to their suffering; and I will tell you now what is the result to which my mind has come after studying so long about your case.  You cannot much longer live as you have been living for the past three or four years; you must change your manner of living.

            It has been many years since you have been able to support yourselves and families by the chase; game was plenty, it is not so now, and never will be again.

            Now, your condition must continue to get worse and worse unless you devote  yourselves, like white men, to cultivate and depend upon the fruits of the earth for subsistence rather than on the results of the chase.  This, I am happy to learn, is your wish and that of your people generally; you are willing to till the soil of mother earth and depend upon that for your support.  But, whilst I recommend you to cultivate the soil, I am satisfied you require the kind care and assistance of the Government of the United States in order to do so advantageously to yourselves.  I have, therefore, determined to apply to Congress, the great National Council, to give me the money to buy ploughs and hoes, and other implements of agriculture, when you set about your new manner of living and to cultivate the soil.

            One thing you ought to know, and that is, that it is not in my power, nor even that of your Great Father, to take the white men's money without the consent of the National Council.  I have no doubt that Congress, like your Great Father and myself, feel a deep interest in the welfare of the red man, and that Congress, when I ask, will give me the means to afford you this help, by which, if you be industrious and enterprising, you will be able to become prosperous and happy; in the same way with the white men all over this great and flourishing country.  If the Great Council shall agree to what I have asked, arrangements will be made by which the Omaha Indians will be furnished from year to year with all the implements and things which might be necessary to advance their happiness.  But you ought to know, as men of sense--for men of sense I take you to be--that all this cannot be done in a day, month, or even in a year; great things require much time to carry them into effect.

            When you are at home, and get into council, and some question of great weight and moment comes up you take time, you reflect; you don't act like a woman or a child you smoke and sleep upon it, and take time to know what to do in the matter.  it takes a man many years to grow from a child to maturity; and so it will take the Omaha nation a considerable time to grow up from a condition of poverty and destitution to one in which they shall be a happy and prosperous people.

            I therefore ask you not to be impatient, but to rely on the kindness and care of your Great Father and the Government of the United States, never doubting that you will in time reap a rich reward for thus conducting yourselves.  What I particularly wish you to do is to tell your people and make them understand that your Great Father, and your father the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and the Great Council are their friends, and are disposed to do whatever ought to be done to assist them.

            I have been made sorry to hear that some of you within the last few days, have been making threats as to what you would do if you were to go home dissatisfied.  Now, if you go home for the purpose of stirring up strife and making war upon the whites, it would be better that you never go home at all.  If you pursue this course, it will certainly bring trouble upon you and your people.

            I ask you, then, as your father and your friend, anxious for your welfare, that if you have any such feelings in your bosoms you will expel them, and when you get home that you will advise your people to be peaceful and friendly with the whites.  War is distasteful to your Great Father, and especially hateful to the Great Spirit.  I have learned that some of you have expressed a wish to be furnished with clothes like the white men.  In order to show you how kindly I feel towards you, I will order my young men to purchase you some clothes; but I have this one thing to ask of you, and it is this, that when you are dressed in the clothes of white men you will behave like white men, and not like savages.  If you ever feel that you want to go to war like a savage, you must pull off these clothes of the white man and put on skins, and look whilst you act like savage beasts.  When you look upon these clothes you will remember what I have said, and show them to your people as proofs of your Great Father's friendship towards you.  Your friends who conducted you to Washington will no doubt see you safely back; they are under obligation so to do, and will, without doubt, carry it out.  I wish you an early and safe return home, and trust that your visit to Washington will prove of great service to you and your people; for if your people be good and peaceable, and friendly, and virtuous, their condition will be improved, and your nation become prosperous and happy.

            Yellow Smoke addressed a few words to the Commissioner in reply, acknowledging how great his feelings had been changed for the better, and saying that now he had got all he asked for and all he came to Washington to get.

            The Commissioner then distributed medals, accompanying the act with explanations of the figures on the medals, and admonitions as to what behavior would be expected of Indians on whom these gifts were conferred.

            The Interpreter, Louis Sans Souci, embraced the opportunity to make some queries respecting the rights and property of half-breeds in certain land reservations, to which the Commissioner answered that due attention should be paid to their rights in the premises.

            Orders were then given that the Indians be forthwith furnished with suitable apparel; which order, we suppose, was immediately complied with.

            The Indians appear quite reconciled and satisfied, and to have been relieved from the anxiety which of late seems to have pressed upon them.

            It is but justice to say, in conclusion, that the judgment, patience, kindness, and humanity displayed by the commissioner I the disposition and management of these Indians and their affairs, do equal honor to the head and heart of Col. Lea, and to the Government and nation whose able and faithful agent he is in a difficult and delicate branch of the public service.

            We judge these Indians will leave Washington for their homes within a day or two at furthest.

 

March 2, 1852:  Daily National Intelligencer [Omaha]

            The Omaha Indians.--We learn that the delegation from this tribe now here are growing quite tired and impatient at remaining so long from their homes and people.  They wish to get back before the emigration westward from Iowa shall have commenced, in order to permit serious differences and difficulties which might occur between the emigrants and their tribe.   Considerately impressed with their circumstances, Col. Lea, the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, has done whatever lay in him to aid their reasonable views and purposes, and we hear that he will give these poor children of the wilds a further and final hearing to-day at noon, when such consideration will be shown them, by way of presents and otherwise, as will probably have the effect of restoring their good will and sending them home pretty well contented.  A sum of twenty-five hundred dollars has been asked of Congress to defray their expenses whilst here, and the cost of their traveling home.  This sum would seem to be hardly adequate; for, in addition, they should be supplied with sufficient and decent clothing.  A few hundred dollars additional might ultimately prove to be a great saving.

 

March 2, 1852: Daily National Intelligencer [Seminole]

            An Indian delegation, accompanied by their Agent, Gen. Blake, arrived at Tampa on the 14th ultimo, from Arkansas, on their way for the Seminole country; their object being to endeavor to induce those Indians to emigrate.

 

March 3, 1852:  Alexandria Gazette:  [Omaha]

            A final interview took place on Monday [March 1], between the commissioner of Indian Affairs (Colonel Luke lea) and the delegation of Omaha Indians who have been sojourning in Washington for some weeks past.

 

March 6, 1852:  Daily National Intelligencer  [Omaha]

            The Omaha Indians left this city on Thursday [March 4] in charge of Messrs. Wheeling and Johnson, who brought them on.  They left in good spirits, and in much better garb than they came in.  Whilst on their journey hither, which occupied four months, they suffered much from sickness, and even here several of them continued for weeks in impaired health.  But they left all well, and seemingly satisfied with the result of their long travel.  They will go by way of Pittsburgh, Cincinnati, and St. Louis.

 

April 24, 1852:  Alexandria Gazette [Seminole]

            The steamer James L. Day arrived at Key West on the 12th instant.  Gen. Blake, the delegate to the Seminole Indians, was on board.  The General is firm in the belief that he shall succeed in inducing the whole tribe to emigrate  He will be landed opposite the mouth of the Caloosahatchee, when he expects to meet Billy Bowlegs for a great talk, and to determine upon the terms of emigration.

           

[June 22, 1852 Treaty signed at Washington, D.C. with the Chickasaw]

 

June 30, 1852: Daily National Intelligencer  [Chippewa]

            Irregular Indian visit.--It has been the practice for two or three years past for interested white men and cunning half-breeds, residing in or near the Indian country surrounding our Western frontier, to foment any little matters of dissatisfaction that may exist in the minds of the Indians, in order to turn them to their own advantage.  One of the plans of these men pretty generally is to bring delegations--more or less authenticated--to Washington during the sittings of Congress, in the hope to extract from the liberality of the Government and the sympathy of Congress sums of money.  Two or three times such delegations have been successful, and the consequence is that repetitions of the game are not to be wondered at.

            An instance of this sort has just occurred.  Three Chippewas of the Lapointe band, from the banks of Lake Superior, have been brought on against the wish of the superintendent and agent, for the purpose of obtaining release from the provisions of a treaty whereby they were bound to remove to Fond du Lac, or forfeit the advantages under the treaty.  Unable to change the policy of the Bureau, from which they have received much kinder treatment than they had a right to expect, they are content to return home, wiser than when they came, and able to teach their red brethren a serviceable lesson as to who are and who are not their true friends.  We think that the frequency with which these irregular visits have now got to be made should draw the attention of Congress to the subject, for the devisal, if possible, of some means whereby the Indians might be protected from the contrivances of sharpers, and the Bureau and Government from unnecessary expenditure.

 

August 6, 1852:  Daily National Intelligencer  [Pueblo/Tesuque]

            The four Pueblo Indians who arrived here Saturday [July 31] from New Mexico, in charge of Capt. W. E. Love and Mr. David e. Whiting, yesterday made their first visit to the Indian Bureau, and thence called upon the President of the United States  Before being admitted to the President they remained some time in the East-room, where their admiration was excited to a high pitch by the size of the apartment, and the magnificence with which it is furnished.  On being introduced to the President in his official room up stairs, each of the party shook hands with the President and the Secretary of the Interior,  The names of the Indians, who are from the Pueblo of Tesuque, about twelve miles north of Santa Fe, are respectively Jose Maria Carlos Vigil, Juan Antonio, and Jose Abeyta.  The Indians spoke in Spanish.  Mr. Whiting acted as interpreter.

            The President having signified his disposition to listen to any thing they might have to communicate, Jose Maris after a few minutes of modest delay, said he solicited permission to speak to the president on two or three subjects.  he had, he said, travelled very far to see the country and people of the United States, and what he saw greatly astonished him.  he had heard a great many strange things of the habits and customs of the people of this country, but now he saw for himself.  Much that he had heard he did not believe, but now he saw more than ever had been told him, with his own eyes.  He lived, he said, when at home, in a poor country; he and his people suffered a great deal of trouble; but he looked upon the President as his Great Father and the father of his people as well as of his white brethren, and as such he should look to him for help and succor.  His people wished to live according to their own habits and customs; but his country was a very poor one; living there was very high, and if he spends a dollar so much of it goes for food that he had nothing left to buy clothing with.  Owing to mismanagement or something unfavorable, there were a great many thieves in the country; this would sometimes lead to bad results but for his part and his people's, they wishes to live i peace and quietness.  He complained of his Mexican neighbors, by whose dishonesty his people had lost several animals, which he wished to have restored.  The Mexicans also cut more acequias [irrigation canals] then they had agreed to do, and took off too much water from their fields.  He also said he wished that the stipulations of the treaty entered into three years ago with the United States should be fulfilled.  he would like to take home some agricultural implements and other tools, for they had scarcely any thing to make a door or window with.  he wished to lodge a complaint against a man names Mestis, who had acted as agent for their Pueblo in selling some goods in Chihuahua; he had sold fifth-three buffalo robes, worth $4 each, and had only returned $70 and two calves for them.  He could not say any thing more; he was so much struck with the buildings, and institutions, and manners of the people of the United states that he was at a loss to express himself.  Before sitting down, he requested that before he returned he might have some church ornaments given him, a list of which had been given him by his Curè.

            The President replied by expressing the gratification he felt in meeting them.  this was the first time in his life that he had the pleasure of seeing a Pueblo Indian.  He knew how long and tedious a journey they had travelled; he knew that they would have to pursue the same journey home; but he hoped the Great Spirit would bless and sustain them till they again returned to the bosom of their families.

            The President was sorry to hear that there were thieves and bad men in their country.  he was anxious that the law should be enforced against all such, and in order to this end he had appointed Governor Lane to be Governor of New Mexico, who would be charged with protecting the good and punishing the bad.  All questions relating to their internal affairs must be settled by the Governor and officers in the Territory.  As to agricultural implements, tools, and church ornaments, he, the president, could make no promise at this time, but whatever it was in his power to do for them should be performed.  Mr. Stuart, the Secretary of the Interior, and the commissioner of Indian Affairs are charged with these matters, who will do all they can to gratify the Pueblos.

            The President regretted to hear of the dishonesty of the Mexicans with whom they had dealings in Chihuahua, but it was out of the power of this Government to help them; they could only in such cases look to the Mexican laws for redress.  He would advise the Pueblos, however, to have nothing to do in future with men who had proved themselves dishonest.

            In reference to the treaty of three years ago, he, the President, would look into it, and if it should be found that any stipulation in it lacked fulfilment [sic], he would see it should be fulfilled.  He was gratified at their visit, and hoped that after seeing so much of the United States they had formed a better opinion of the people than they had before they came.  The President regarded his red children in New Mexico with the same good will that he did his white children in the States, and would do all in his power to make them happy.  He was sorry their country was poor, but hoped that by improved agriculture they would find the high prices advantageous instead of the reverse.  This was all he had to say, except that he hoped the Great Spirit would bless them on their return, and give them health and happiness.  the Secretary of the Interior and the Commissioner of Indian Affairs would give them any further information they might require. 

            After another shaking of hands the Indians retired, and soon after were conducted to the Capitol by their agents.  with one exception these Indians are of small stature.  They can all read and write.  Jose Maria is really a pleasant speaker, the Spanish sounding very softly and smoothly as it flowed from his lips.

 

Aug. 7, 1852:  Alexandria Gazette:  [Pueblo/Tesuque]

            Washington, August 5.--The delegation of Pueblo Indians, under the direction of Captain Love, who arrived here last Friday, had an interview to-day with Mr. Fillmore, in which they narrated their grievances and complained bitterly of the conduct of the Mexicans.

            The President responded in suitable terms, promising them the protection of the Government.

            The Secretary of the Interior and other government officers were present.  Hon. Luke Lea, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, was not present, having gone to the Virginia Springs for his health.

 

Aug. 11, 1852:  Daily National Intelligencer  [Pueblo/Tesuque]

            Indian Appropriation Bill.   ....

            Mr. Atchison then offered additional amendments, appropriating $20,000 for general services of Indian affairs in new Mexico and $7,500 to defray the expenses of the visit of the Pueblo Indians to Washington; which were agreed to.  ...

            [The Congressional debate over this appropriation appeared on Aug. 12, 1852 in the Daily National Intelligencer.  The Indians were also discussed.  The appropriation was approved.]

 

Aug. 12, 1852:  Daily National Intelligencer  [Pueblo/Tesuque]

            The Pueblo Indians.  Are making the most of their time and opportunities to see the sights and "lions" of Washington.  They visited yesterday morning the Arsenal, where they were shown whatever was likely to amuse and instruct them in reference to the resources of their white brethren in point of military offence and defense.  Then they went to the Smithsonian Institution, where, amongst other marvels, they were made feelingly acquainted with the wonders of electricity.  They were much pleased with the Smithsonian building, and with what they saw there.  Subsequently they were taken to the Patent Office and shown the collection of curiosities in the great hall.  "There is no end," they remarked, "to the knowledge of the white people; and what one does not know another does;" meaning thereby that the whites threw their individual knowledge and labors into a common stock for the general good, in contrast with the single and isolated efforts of the Indian.

 

Aug. 16, 1852:  Daily National Intelligencer [Pueblo/Tesuque]

            Bayne's voyage to Europe.--We are gratified to be able to state that this unequalled Panorama will remain with us until Saturday next, the 21st of August.  The late inclement weather has doubtless permited many from visiting this pleasing and instructive exhibition.  They will now have a last opportunity, and we assume them that they will derive much pleasure by paying it a visit.  The Pueblo Indians are to visit this exhibition to-night by invitation of the proprietors.

 

Aug. 16, 1852:  Daily National Intelligencer [Pueblo/Tesuque]

            To the Editors:

            Gentlemen:  I herewith enclose the translation of a letter from two of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico, now in this city on a visit to the Government.  The letter was written by the Indians themselves, the original being in the Spanish language.

            These Pueblos, as well be perceived, are sufficiently intelligent not to have supposed that their being stoned at the seat of government they were invited to visit was attributable to another cause than "the bad management of some parents who do not restrain their children," though doubtless to other Indians such  discrimination would not have suggested itself.

            His Honor the Mayor, Mr. Maury, has taken the steps to bring the perpetrators of this wanton act to justice.  Though the corporate authorities of this city are exerting themselves in this matter, they are really less interested in it than is the General Government.

            ... /s/ R. H. Weightman

[His translation of the letter:]

                                                            Washington, August 14, 1852.

            Dear Friend:  After saluting you, in company with your lady and children, I beg leave to inform you that, upon our arrival here, we were highly gratified and delighted to have reached such a delightful country, and to have realized all our ideas could conceive, to have seen the residence and magnificent palace of our well-beloved President, the father of all our Republic and country.

            To-day, sir, we are deprived of the liberty of walking in the streets, to amuse ourselves, on account of the bad management of some parents who do not restrain their children.  On the 12th instant we went out and were stoned by the boys, without having given them any cause to do so.   You are to determine what steps should be taken to remedy this evil.  Having nothing further to communicate, we beg leave to assure you of our esteem and desire to be of service to you.

            Very respectfully, your obedient servants,

                                    Jose Carlos Vigil

                                    Jose Maria Vigil I. [sic] Yuazo         

Mr. Weightman

 

Aug. 25, 1852:  Daily National Intelligencer  [Pueblo/Tesuque]

            The Pueblo Indians yesterday paid a visit to Georgetown College, but, owing to the unexpected temporary absence of a large portion of the faculty, it was deemed best to postpone their view of the buildings, &c. to Saturday next.

 

Aug. 26, 1852:  Daily National Intelligencer [Sauk & Fox]

            Arrival of the Sac and Fox Indians.--On Tuesday [Aug. 24] evening a deputation of Sac and Fox Indians, from the Osage river country west of the State of Missouri, arrived in this city under permission of the Indian Bureau, and are staying at Maher's Hotel.  They are fourteen in number, six of them being Chiefs, and two principal Chiefs.  These last are Keokuk, the son of Keokuk, and grandson of Black Hawk, who is head chief of the Sacs.  Poweschiek is the principal chief of the Foxes.  Mr. John R. Shenalt is their agent, and Antoine Goquet their interpreter.  The business they have with the Government has not transpired; probably one of their chief objects is to endeavor to effect an exchange of lands.  They are fine looking men, and, as Indians, are quite intelligent.  They are attired in their regular Indian costume, which is very striking and picturesque.  In the course of a day or two they will be probably admitted to an interview with the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and perhaps with the President

 

Aug. 27, 1852:  Daily National Intelligencer [Sauk & Fox]

            The Sac and Fox Delegation yesterday paid their first visit to the Bureau of Indian Affairs.  They were accompanied thither by their agent, Mr. John R. Chenault, and their interpreter, Antoine Gautier.  Representing the Sac branch of the united tribe, there are eight Indians, Keokuk being the principal Chief, with seven sub-chiefs and braves, their names being Kapeecoma, Pishkeenanee, Tackwauss, Washawmeesaw, or young Black Hawk, Mahnatoowa, Nakascowat, Mahnwytook.  The head Chief of the Fox branch is Powaishick, with sub-chief and braves Paasheesheemong, Sheesheeconass, Monuss, Ahnahmoneegua, and Ahneecoos.

            The Sacs number at this time about thirteen hundred souls, the Foxes about seven hundred.  Their numerical strength has been much reduced by death since the last enumeration of them was taken.  The tribe still retains its love of savage life and manners beyond almost all others of the removed Indians on our borders.  they dislike schools, missionaries, and even dwellings, and many of them yearn to go further West, that they may be still more distant from civilization, as well as nearer the buffalo and other game.  Their efforts at cultivation have been very feeble, though they inhabit a fine country, well adapted to successful agriculture.  The tribe has a fund of $30,000, a portion of which might be most serviceably employed in initiating the tribe in the simple arts of enclosing and tiling the soil, and in building suitable dwellings.

            In the temporary absence of Mr. Commissioner Lea, the Acting Commissioner, Mr. Mix, received the delegation at the Bureau.  He stated to them that the Commissioner of Indian Affairs was absent, but for two or three days only.  Before he left he had learnt that the Delegation would soon be in Washington, and had requested him (Mr. Mix) to say to the delegation, should they arrive before the Commissioner returned, that no business could be done with them till after the Great Council of the whites had adjourned.  the call of to-day, therefore, must be considered simply as a visit.  But when the Great Council shall have adjourned, so as to allow the Bureau an opportunity (which was now precluded by the great amount of business on hand) to listen to them, it should be done, and all that they might deem fit to say carefully considered.  Congress has now before it several matters in which the Sacs and Foxes have an interest.  After the adjournment of Congress an opportunity will be taken to let the delegation call upon their Great Father, (the President.)  As a general thing their Great Father objects to his red children coming hither during the sessions of the Great Council, but in this case, as he had received intimation of the wish of the delegation, out of a friendly disposition towards them, he gave permission.  Their father, the Commissioner, has given orders to his sub-chiefs to do all they can to make the stay of the sacs and Foxes here agreeable to them, and in order to this has commanded that they be shown the sights of the city, as the navy yard, arsenal, &c., and that they should hear the big guns explode.

            Mr. Mix. recognised Keokuk and shook hands with him.  Keokuk was in Washington in 1837.

            When the Indians got up to shake hands, Powaishiek took occasion to say that he was very much pleased with the remarks that had been made by Mr. Mix.  he thought this would be the proper place to come to in order to settle their business.

            they then shook hands and retired.

            The costume of these Indians is very simple, but highly striking.  Their principal covering is a large vermilion-colored blanket, which they allow to drop down when seated, displaying their very stout and brawny busts quite undraped.

 

Sept. 3, 1852:  Daily National Intelligencer  [Sauk & Fox]

            Second visit to the Indian Bureau of the Sac and Fox Delegations.

            Yesterday at about 11 o'clock the Sac and Fox Indians now in the city called upon the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for the purpose of submitting to his consideration the business which induced their journey to the metropolis.  The whole united delegation was present, consisting of eight Sacs, whose youthful chief is Keokuk, and six Foxes, with Powaishiek for their chief.

            The conversations during the interview were numerous and desultory, leaving the impression upon the auditor that the delegation had no very distinct purpose in view, beyond perhaps the objects of complaining generally, and endeavoring to extract from the generosity or commiseration of the Government all that they can.

            Keokuk complained of the doubts he and his people entertained as to their getting money ($30,000) alleged to be due them by the Government.  He had come here to see about it, and to learn from their Great Father how the matter lay.

            Tackwauss acknowledged the binding nature of the treaty which located the Sacs and Foxes where they were, and the superior authority of the United States.  They look at the city of Washington as their father, or like a tall tree.  The President had placed their people where many diseases had carried them off.  They made the treaty because they thought they could get money enough to raise their children, but now their children were all the time hungry.  He believed the President would deal fairly by him.

            Waasawmeesaw, or young Black Hawk, said that from the last treaty he had missed some money.  The promises made under that treaty were not fulfilled.  This was no guess-work; they knew what they said to be true.  The last time the Chiefs came here they brought home word that two mills were to be built at $5,000 each, and five fields made--this has not been done, and they think that the money is here still.  That was the bargain, and he hoped the commissioner would try to hunt up this money and see what had become of it.

            Mahuwytook confirmed what had been said by preceding speakers.  He hoped the Commissioner would find this money, and their women and children at home hoped the same.

            Nakasccowat simply assented to what had been urged by his friends.

            Powaisheik presented sundry documents to the commissioner, and remarked that it seemed to him the matters of the treaty, &c. were very crooked.  For his own part, he had a good heart, and that is why he had brought these young chiefs with him.  Hoped the Commissioner will examine these papers, and have some of the old ones renewed.  He had understood that the Sioux had brought some charges against them for killing some of the Sioux.  Now, a long time ago the Sioux had killed a good many of their chiefs and braves, and this is the reason why they ought not to pay the Sioux any thing.  He understood there was $30,000 at St. Louis; this money they would like to take as they went home, and hoped that the Commissioner would give them an order to get it.  They had made a treaty with the Pawnees, and were at peace with the Pottawatomies, Delawares, Shawnees, &c.  There was a difficulty with the Pawnees, and $1,000 had been set aside to pay them, but the Pawnees had not asked for it, and now that they and the Pawnees were at peace they hoped the Commissioner would give them an order to get the $1,000.

            Mr. Commissioner Lea stated that the papers consisted of copies of treaties and testimonials to Powashiek's character.

            Powaisheik then wanted to know if the blacksmiths were to be paid by the Government at Washington or by the Sacs and Foxes.  when here it was agreed they should be paid by the Government, but out there it was all different.  The Doctor also, he is paid out of the Indian's pile too.  What is this for?  He wanted to know how it was about the fields that had been made.  he did not eat grass himself.  When fields were made in their country there was nothing but grass in them.  he wanted the President to pay for the making of those fields.  So did all his people want the same.  Them, as to the blacksmiths and gunsmiths, they say they will not work for Indians if they do not know their names.  Hoped the Commissioner would answer them about this.  He also hoped the Commissioner would foot the bill for their expenses in coming here and going home again.  He had heard the Government had been very kind to some other Indians that had been here; he asked the same for himself and friends.  otherwise he appeared to be like a man eating himself up; he would have to eat himself up long before he got back.  If he had the money in his hand that his expenses would cost him. he would put it to some other use.

            Nakascowat said that if the Government would pay all their expenses they would go home very well satisfied.

            Waashawmeesaw said that when the last treaty was made they had $41,000, and to this they put $40,000 more, and then put $30,000 aside.  This made $101,000.  But now they have but $71,000.  They think they know who is the cause of this loss of $30,000.  if the Commissioner wished to know who they meant they would call their names.  (The Commissioner replied that he wished to hear whatever they desired to say.)  Waashawmeesaw then left the subject for a while and drew attention to the boundary line, which he said crosses the Des Moines at Red Rock.  He then fell back on the question of the money, stating that the money was set in two piles, one for the Sacs and one for the Foxes.  All was done in secret.

            (The interpreter here did not appear to give the Indians' remarks with sufficient distinctness and accuracy.)

            Waashameesaw said further that Bill Phelps and Summer Phelps were the persons he had referred to.  Five other Indians besides himself knew this to be true.  Bill Phelps said:  "I will give twenty-five cents to you if you will do this; we will take $30,000 out of one pile and set it aside, and we will take $30,000 out of another and do the same."  Thinks the head man of this was one named Sanford.  Choteau Sumner was also concerned.  Keokuk and Ahmeecoos agreed to that.  Beach was agent at this time.  They made the writings over, and those were they in the Commissioner's hands.  This is the reason why the treaty we agreed on can't be seen now.  On this account it is that the Chiefs wished to come here; they want the commissioner to see if he cannot in some way find the money for them.

            Maknatooaa said that before they had come from home they had determined to pay the Sioux nothing.  The Sioux and they were enemies, and they would not pay them any thing.  As for the Pawnees, they were at peace now, and therefore the $1,000 ought not to be paid.  He hoped the Commissioner would give them an order to get the $1,000.

            Keokuk responded to the opinions of preceding Chiefs on all the points.  He also asked for silver medals for each of the party.  For the half-breeds he asked some help from the Government.  He hoped the Commissioner would do something to assist them also.

            Tackwauss hoped the Government would pity the half-breeds, so did all the Chiefs and braves.  This would help to satisfy his people.

            Waashawmeesaw said the traders were very wise, and knew how to take big mouthfuls.  Hoped the bills brought by the traders against them would be well examined here.  Whatever was quite right they wished to pay exactly.  The half-breeds also owe some of the traders, and they want them paid too.  The $30,000 at St. Louis they want to satisfy the traders.  After this is gone they do not want to do so any more; they want in future to put their money on the big pile.

            The Commissioner wished to know if what he had heard was true, that Powaishick did not live in his own country, but up with the Kickapoos?  And if so, why was this?

            Powaishick rather dodged this inquiry, and very adroitly talked round the matter.  He said the Kickapoos wished it, because he had once saved a great any of the lives of their people.  when he had a great scope of land he allowed any tribes to live on it, and not the Kickapoos repaid him.  He supposed the Commissioner would think hard about this.  A great many people of all sorts live in this city of Washington, but when he stays up with the Kickapoos it is noticed mighty quick.  One reason why he did not like to live in his own country was, that there was a great deal of fuss about horses.  He had heard a good deal about the soldiers driving him back, but did not see why they should do it.

            Waashawmesaw wished to know if the Commissioner gave license for traders to trade without the permission of the chiefs.  He would like to know about this.  All the honest traders might stay, but there are two of them who are as if they would steal.  those that give credit may stay, but not those who do not.  The traders that don't trust get all the money.  They want them sent away, but the others to remain.  When a trader goes there he builds a house and goes to farming.  Is this the wish of the commissioner?  The gunsmiths and blacksmiths also have fields as big as they please, and put their fences in the Indians' way.  The country is prairie, and thus in a few years all the timber will be gone.

            Here, it being about their dinner-hour, the Indians were dismissed, to be finally heard and replied to this day.

 

Sept. 4, 1852:  Daily National Intelligencer  [Sac & Fox]

            Indian Interview with the commission of Indian Affairs--continued.

            The Sacs and Foxes met at the Indian Office yesterday at one o'clock, and resumed their talk with the commissioner.

            Kapeecoma wished the $30,000 that had been laid aside to pay the traders that were here.  He preferred the commissioner to settle the trader's accounts, for he knew the prices and values of goods.  He also announced that Pishkeenana had been chosen chief of the Sacs this spring, they superseding Keokuk.  He further advocated that cultivation should be carried on not in individual allotments, but in one large field, the common property of the tribe.

            Tackwauss wished the traders to be paid what was precisely right and just.  The bills were so heavy as they are because the prices charged were so very high.  He advocated the chiefship of Pishkeenanee on the ground of his regular hereditary succession, and the wish of the tribe at home.  He contended for their right to depose a chief (like the white people) if they did not approve of him, and elect another.

            Washawmeesaw, or young Black Hawk, said it was the desire of the chiefs, and they thought it right and just, to pay Arthur J. Baker $2,000, Isaac G. Baker $4,000, Joseph Smart $7,000, Kinzie $12,000, John Scott $5,000.  They thought also of their own blood, (Thomas Connolly, a half-breed), and wished the Commissioner first to pay all his degts, and then pay him $500 besides.  He also advocated the one-field plan, and gave his voice for the chiefship of ------ [sic].  He thought Keokuk had had the office long enough.

            Pishkeenanee himself said that what his predecessors had declared was what his people at home wished for also.  Keokuk wished the traders to be paid out of the $30,000 laid aside.  They ought to be paid right here.  As to the old account of Phelps, it was not paid because Phelps was not liked.  it is an old account, and therefore he thinks Pete Avery would willingly take $6,000.

            Keokuk advocated with ability and success the separate field system.  It was best for their women and children, and if adopted they would be able to feed them.  He thought the one-field system would be the cause of great quarrels.  it would produce jealousies.  The people at home think so too.  It was best for each family to have their own little field, and thus avoid the danger of being disturbed.  Then every man could have his own way about raising his crops.

            As to Pishkeenanee, he admitted he was a chief.  But his own (Keokuk's) father had always sided with the whites, and thus had become a chief.  You have somewhere a man named Scott; he it was who made my father chief.  Keokuk would not have cared if this matter had been settled at home before they came here.  When at home he always consults an agent, and takes the right course; this is why he had become a chief  Before I was raised to be a chief (said Keokuk) I talked with Major Harvey, who asked my character, and approved me; this is why I became a chief.

            Mahnwytook confirmed the statement of Keokuk.  Keokuk's father had always been a truthful man, and Keokuk had taken the same good course.

            Keokuk then referred to the agent for the truth of what he had said.

            Mahnatoowa said he had now learnt for the first time that Keokuk's father was appointed through the influence of Scott.  Had always thought the chiefs took pity on him.  The chiefs at Bloomington had asked old Stabbing Chief what he thought of Keokuk, and he pronounced him a good man.  This is the way it was.

            Powaishick was wiling to pay the traders.  he was of a different opinion last fall, but was willing to do it now.  After referring to the paper Powaishick delivered yesterday in establishment of his character, he said that when he was here before the president said he was an honest man.  Perhaps all you white men here don't think me a Fox Indian.  "But," said he, "I am getting too noisy," and sat down.

            Rising again, he said that as the sacs had spoken for their half-breeds, so did the Foxes.  Also, he did not want white men to scold him any more.  I they had advice to give let them do it.  That is what the ought.

            Powashick requested the Commissioner to allow one thing, and that was, permission to the Sacs and Foxes to enrol [sic] their dead just once after their death.  He opposed the single field system, because it would take too much money, and thought one large field for all the tribe would be best.  The fields now were all grass.  He did not eat grass himself.  if a farmer were put out there into a field then there would be something raised.

            Ahnahmoneegua, a Fox brave, next spoke.  He said that after the chiefs had done the braves spoke.  One thing they had omitted:  when they were in want they went to the traders.  For a colored blanket, they were charged $6, for a white one $5, and for a shirt coming about half way down $1.  They were willing to pay all accounts so far as they were just.  he spoke what he thought proper.  He was half chief and half brave, and had a right to his opinion.  He did not wish any of the traders to be paid out of the $70,000.  He advocated the large field system, for the sake of preserving the tribe against the growing tendency to split up into fragments.  He concluded by saying that had staid here long enough, and hoped the Commissioner would show them the very shortest way home.

            After questioning by the Commissioner--

            Powaishick said they wished to pay Choteau $1,500.  Advocated paying McGee $3,000, though he had touched the pen to pay him $4,000.  Thought that enough.  At the time he touched the pen the chiefs were not notified.  Hoped after this the traders would be more cautious in their sales and charges.  He was willing that the two $30,000 amounts and the $1,000 of the Pawnee fund should go to pay the debts to the traders.

            Three o'clock having arrived, the interview was again prolonged to this day.

 

Sept. 6, 1852:  Daily National Intelligencer  [Sac & Fox]

            Final Interview of the Sac and Fox Indians with the Commissioner.

            The third and final interview of the Sac nd Fox Indians with the Commissioner of Indian Affairs took place on Saturday [Sept. 4].

            In reply to the remarks of the Indians made at previous meetings, the Commissioner said that he had taken time to consider well what he had heard from the.  It would not be in his power to do all they requested, though he was always desirous to gratify his red brethren when it was right and practicable for him so to do.  Their visit originated in their own request, and under those circumstances the Commissioner granted permission for them to presecute [sic] it.  What he could do for them he would; and if any thing they desired should not be granted, they may be sure it was either beyond his power or was not in itself right.  He hoped they would confide in him, and abide by his advice, which should be the best he could give.

            The Sacs and Foxes seem to be under some misapprehension as to their treaty rights.  at the making of the treaty of 1842, they were entitled to receive $81,000 a year, from all the treaties then subsisting with the United States.  Under the treaty of 1836 they were to receive a certain $10,000 for a period of ten years; so that for some five years past their annuity has been only $71,000.  In like manner, as to the last treaty, they seemed also to be laboring under mistake.  This was not wonderful, however, for men vary in their opinions all the world over, and the Commissioner found even the Sacs and Foxes present to be far from unanimous in their views.

            When treaties were made, and were written and signed, they stood, and will be the same to-day.  The treaty of 1842 the Commissioner had no hand in making himself, and yet it was his guide, and must be the guide also of the Indians.  It appears that in all cases up to this time every dollar due the Sac and Fox Indians had been regularly paid them, or disposed of as they themselves directed.  The one thousand dollars kept back on account of alleged depredations on the Pawnees by the Sacs and Foxes the Commissioner had concluded he would not longer withhold, but would give an order to Col. Mitchell at St. Louis to pay it over to them.  With respect to the claim against the Sioux for killing certain Sacs and Foxes there were two sides to the matter.  The Sioux had made heavy complaints against the sacs and Foxes for unprovoked murders of many of their people, including women and children; and under these circumstances the Commissioner should hold the whole subject under consideration, and not determine whether he would pay the Sacs and Foxes any thing or nothing until he had further information.  He warned them that if similar complaints were made in future, they must expect to be held up to a full responsibility, if it took every cent of their annuity.  Not only the Sioux, but the Ottawas also, made complaints of the bad neighborhood of the Sacs and Foxes, and charged them with stealing and other depredations.

            With respect to the two blacksmith's shops, you appear to think that the Government should pay the expense of both.  Now, I find by reference to the treaty that the Government pays but for one, and you pay the other.  Thus says the treaty, and what it says must be law, both to the Indian and the Government.

            The Commissioner recommended the Sacs and Foxes to pay increased attention to the cultivation of the soil, and imitate in general the habits and usages of the whites.  This would be much better for themselves and women and children.  He advised the Indians to adopt the single field system of cultivation, so that every man might go into his own field and work it to support his wife and family.  Before long the chase must fail; it will therefore be wise in the Indian to take timely precaution.

            Respecting their request to be paid their expenses coming to and returning to Washington, the Commissioner said it was not in his power to grant it.  Their coming here had been expressly permitted on the grounds of their paying their own expenses, for which they have a sufficiency of money.

            As to the differences mentioned about who should be Chief, the Commissioner should not on this occasion interfere.  They came as chiefs; so they should leave.  One of the orators had remarked that the whites often changed their chiefs.  This was true, but they did not attach much importance to blood.  If a man were a good and worthy man, that is why he is approved, and not because he came of this or that family.  He recommended Keokuk to imitate his father, and did not see why he should be removed.  he would say to him, as to all other chiefs, that so long as they continue worthy men, show themselves friendly to the whites and the Government, and conduct themselves aright, their authority will be honored and upheld.

            The Commissioner, addressing himself to Powaishick, said he believed him to be a well-disposed man, and one who would do what was right when he knew it.  He has complained that the Government had not complied with its promises; but the truth is, that the Government has a right to complain of him in the same way.  He had promised in the treaty to live in the country ceded to his tribe, but instead of that he kept up in the country of the Kickapoos.   But he must understand distinctly that he must return to his own country, which he will no doubt do, without compelling the Government to send soldiers to force him.

            As to allowing the half-breeds to remain in the nation, he should refer all that to the agents, who had full powers to retain the good and expel the bad.  The introduction of whiskey into the nation was utterly disallowed, and the agent would do all he could it keep it out.

            The payment of the debts to the traders would be left to the agent, who is best able to judge of the justness of the debts.  Every just debt should be paid, but no others.

            The Commissioner recommended attention to education, saying how much better it would be for them to be able to read and write and understand treaties.  Labor, too, was honorable to all men, and the Indians were greatly mistaken in supposing it otherwise.      

            The above is but a summary of the well conceived remarks of the Commissioner, which met the approbation of every listener, white and red.  Several of the red men expressed their satisfaction with the Commissioner's advice to them, and promised to do their best to obey it.

            After distributing a large medal to each of the six chiefs, and a smaller one to each of the eight braves, the Commissioner finally dismissed them, with wishes for their happiness and safe return.

            Presents of clothing, &c. were afterwards made them by the Agent, under orders of the Commissioner.

 

Sept. 7, 1852:  Daily National Intelligencer  [Sac & Fox]

            Indians Gone.--the Sac and Fox Indians left Washington yesterday afternoon by the 4 o'clock train, accompanied by their worthy agent, Jr. John J. Chenault, the interpreter, and half-breeds attached to the tribe.

 

Sept. 7, 1852:  Daily National Intelligencer  [Pueblo/Tesuque]

            The Pueblo Indians.

            The five New Mexican Pueblo Indians, from the Pueblo of Tesuque, whose arrival here and movements we have from time to time noted, being desirous to return to their homes in New Mexico, waited on the Commissioner of Indian Affairs yesterday to take a final farewell.  The Commissioner received them with great kindness, and throughout the interview manifested the sincerest interest in their affairs and well-being.  We repeat their names:  Jose Marie Vigil, J. Yuazo, Carlos Vigil, Juan Antonio Vigil, Jose Abeyta, and Jose Domingo Herrera.  The first names is the chief speaker.  He stated to the Commissioner the desire of himself and friends to return to their distant homes and families.  The time was at hand when their crops would require attention, and besides they were not enjoying very good health.  They had been much gratified by what they had seen in this country, and felt greatly obliged for the kindness and attention paid them.  If the Commissioner could make it convenient for them to leave to-day or to-morrow it would be a source of much pleasure to them.

            On his part the Commissioner said that it had given him great pleasure to meet them.  Their character and demeanor met his approbation, for he had heard of their sobriety, honesty, and general good conduct.  He regretted much to hear of any of them being sick, but trusted it would be only temporary.  Their anxiety to return was very natural, and it was a source of satisfaction to him to perceive that, in addition to their wish for seeing their families and friends, they had so much regard to their crops.  The day after to-morrow he thought he could arrange for their start.  Though the journey here was long, and required a considerable time, the Pueblos should not lose any thing by the trip, but it should prove to them profitable and advantageous.  The death of their Father, Governor Calhoun, was a cause of profound regret; the Commissioner had hoped to hear from him every thing of interest on the subject of the Indians of New Mexico.  Col. Lea assured the Indians of the fatherly care of the Government for them, and that they may be assured that in due time, if they were not impatient, every thing would be accorded to them that could and ought to be done.  He recommended then to imitate the customs of the whites; and particularly to commence the use of the English language, since they had become citizens of the United States.

            Col. Lea presented each of the Indians with a medal.  One of them, Antonio Vigil, had suspended before him a British medal, apparently a present from the Hudson's Bay Company, (it was old, with the head of George the 3d on it,) which no inducements could prevail on him to part with.  On being offered a suit of clothes each, such as the whites wear, Jose Marie did not think it very desirable, but said it would be very gratifying to him to be able to learn the English language.

            Col. Lea having thanked them for a letter in Spanish they had sent him, said he would be still more gratified if on their return they should favor him with a letter in English.  To this Jose Marie replied that if he should be so fortunate as to learn the English language on his road homewards he would certainly write Mr. Lea a letter in that language.

            The Indians, who use the Spanish language, though they have also one of their own in which the privately converse, were interpreted by Mr. David Whiting, the Territorial interpreter of New Mexico.  They will return to New Mexico under the care of Mr. Whiting and Capt. W. E. Love, who brought them hither.

            In religion these Indians are Catholics, and are very desirous of procuring ornaments, &c. for the church of their Pueblo.  Many things of this description have been presented and promised from religious establishments in the District and Baltimore.

 

Sept. 8, 1852:  Alexandria Gazette:  [Sac & Fox]

            The Delegation of the Sac and Fox Indians, left Washington, on Monday [Sept. 6] afternoon, in the railroad train, on their way to their distant homes, beyond the western boundary of the State of Missouri

 

Sept. 10, 1852:  Daily National Intelligencer [Pueblo/Tesuque]

            The Pueblo Indians left this city yesterday morning with their attendants, &c. under care of Messrs. Love and Whiting.  They staid whilst in Washington at Maher's Hotel, between 13th and 11th streets.

 

Sept. 12, 1852:   Enquirer [Richmond]  [Seminole]

            Charleston, Sept. 12--n embassy from the Seminole Indians, en route for Washington, arrived here today.  Among them are Billy Bowlegs, Sam Jones and tribe, and John Jumper, chief of the Arkansas.  They are under the charge of Gen. Blake, and intend making arrangements for the removal of all the tribes from Florida.

 

Sept. 14, 1852:  Daily National Intelligencer  [Seminole]

            The Florida Indians.

            A Telegraphic despatch, dated at Charleston on Sunday [Sept. 12], mentions the arrival there of a party of Seminole Indians on their way to this city, in order to make arrangements for their removal from Florida.  This party of Indians are under the charge of Gen. lake, the Agent, and amongst them are the leading chiefs of their respective tribes--Billy Bowlegs, Sam Jones, john Jumper, and others.

 

Sept. 15, 1852:  Daily National Intelligencer  [Seminole]

            The Seminole Delegation.

            The Savannah "Georgian" of Monday [Sept. 13] gives the following description of the Delegation of Seminole Indians who may be expected to arrive in this city in a day or two:

            "Our city was enlivened on Saturday [Sept. 11] by the arrival on the W. Gaston, from Florida, of an embassy of Seminoles, en route for Washington, to hold converse with president Fillmore.  At their head was the veritable Billy Bowlegs himself, accompanied by two sub-chiefs, Seporke Yoholo, the representative of Sam Jones and tribe, and John Jumper, a chief of the Arkansas delegation.  In the suite of these envoys came three attaches, Firehatchie Emarthler, Vacose Emarthler, and Choco Tustenuggee.  The town was all agog to see these Commissioners of the Red Men; and dressed in their fantastic garbs of calico tunics, flannel breeches, moccasins, and turbanned headdresses, striped all over with bands of beads and showy tapes, these delegated authorities excited universal interest.

            "The whole body is under charge of Gen. Blake, U.S. Indian Agent, who, after three negotiations, finally persuaded them to accompany him to Washington.  he treated with them last at Fort Myers, and started thence on the 31st ultimo.  Their route is direct for the capital, to make definite arrangements with the President for the removal to the West of all their tribes in Florida.

            "In the suite, we must not forget to mention the interpreter, an intelligent old negro by the name of Abraham.  He is quite a venerable, dignified-looking personage, a sort of Indianized major-domo, with his face set off with a wooly moustache.  In the history of the Seminoles he holds quite a conspicuous position as the friend and counsellor of Mikanopi, and is known by the soubriquet of the latter's Sense Keeper.  Gen Blake obtained him in Arkansas, where he stayed with Mikanopi until his death.  For the position he holds he is invaluable.

            "Bowlegs is about five feet nine inches high, and of ordinary strength of build.  His countenance exhibits good nature, interest in conversation and passing events, with sufficient intelligence.  In dress, he was slightly distinguished from the less noted of his followers by the richness of color in apparel, and a head-dress set off with raven plumes.  He is said to have quite a fondness for the social vices of tobacco and liquor, and lets pass no opportunity of indulging too freely in the latter.  He presents nothing grand or elevated in his face or bearing, and is more a contrast than otherwise to that wild majesty we are wont to ascribe to these lords of the forest."

 

Sept. 16, 1852:  New York Daily Times  [Seminole]

            [Reprints Daily National Intelligencer's Sept. 15th article]

 

Sept. 16, 1852:  Daily Union [reprinted from Wilmington Journal] [Seminole]

            Billy Bowlegs -- General Luther Blake, having in charge Billy Bowlegs and six others of the Seminole and Arkansas Indians and a negro man, who appears to be interpreter for them, arrived in the boat yesterday from Charleston on their way to Washington City.  They go to Washington as delegates from their tribes on business connected with their removal from Florida.  They stopped at the Carolina Hotel , where a number of our citizens paid them a visit.  Billy speaks English fluently, and is, we believe, a man of considerable intelligence.  The delegation is composed of Holotu Mica, or Billy Bowlegs, Tusatha Emathlaha, Necore Emathlaha, Chocote Tustenugue, from Fort Myers, and John Jumper and Lurparka Yohola, from Arkansas, and Abraham, a negro interpreter. --Wilmington Journal of the 14th.

 

Sept. 16, 1852:  Albany Evening Journal [Seminole]

            Five Seminole Chiefs, among them then well-known Billy Bowlegs, passed through Jacksonville, Florida, on the 9th, on their way to Washington, to make arrangements with regard to their projected removal from the limits of the State.

 

Sept. 17, 1852:  Daily National Intelligencer  [Seminole]

            Interview of Florida Indians with the Commissioner of Indian Affairs.

            The six Seminole Indians recently arrived in Washington were yesterday introduced to Mr. Commissioner Lea by Luther Blake, Esq., who was deputed by the Bureau to proceed to Florida and endeavor, as a last effort, to bring about a compliance with the Treaty of Payne's Landing of 1832, on the part of those Seminoles persistently remaining in that State.  With a view to this desirable end, or rather impending necessity, Billy Bowlegs and five other Seminoles were invited on, that they might learn at the seat of government the ultimatum on the subject.

            There were present at the interview Judge Wayne, of the supreme Court; Hon. Jackson Morton, of Florida; Hon. John H. Eaton, and several other gentlemen, either now or in time past connected with the business. 

            The Commissioner told the Indians that he was happy to see them, wished them to look upon him as their friend, and that they should consider all he aid as dictated by friendship and truth.  He hoped they would reply in the same way, and empty their minds of all they wished him to understand.

            The Commissioner invited Billy Bowlegs to speak, and that without fear or restraint; for, though he was in a strange place and amongst strangers, he must still look upon us as his friends, leaving him nothing to fear.  He desired that what was said should be just the same as if it were said at Billy's own home in Florida.

            Billy Bowlegs, in answer to this invitation, declined to speak now, as he had a bad cold, and on other accounts wished more time.  In reply to a question why Sam Jones did not come, Billy said that he might have brought his dead flesh here, but could not get him to come alive. 

            The Commissioner said he was very glad to see those who were present, even without Sam Jones.

            Billy then remarked that he came here to understand all about the treaties.  The men that had made these treaties were dead, and without coming her he was unable to find out the truth.

            The Commissioner then entered into a lengthened but clear, intelligible, and pointed address to these Indians.  In it he laid before them the nature of the treaty of 1832, binding the United states Government on the one hand and the Seminole nation on the other.  The Seminoles, in this treaty, he said, surrendered their country to the United States, and agreed to remove west of the Mississippi, to a prepared for them by the Government.  But when the time for removal came a great many of the Seminoles refused to go, thus being unwilling to carry out the treaty made by their head-men on behalf of the whole nation.  This produced trouble, and a devastating war, destructive to the lives of many whites and Indians, broke out  it is true that most of the men who had made the treaty were dead, but the treaty itself was as much alive as ever.  Men die, but treaties live.  The treaties between our own and foreign Governments continue to live, though their makers die.  The treaty of 1832 was with the Seminole Nation, and not merely with the men who signed it.

            The Commissioner feared that the nature of certain arrangements which had been made from time to time in Florida by officers of the Government with Seminoles was misunderstood.  These arrangements were temporary only, and not permanent like treaties.  Gen. Worth had gone down to Florida and made such an arrangement, but it was no treaty, and if the Seminoles had been told it was they were deceived.  The lands sold to the United States by the treaty of 1832 belong to the Government, and are the property of the Seminoles no longer.  If not treaty had been made to this effect, the United States might have permitted the Seminoles to remain, but now they cannot do it without the consent of the State of Florida, which State demands their removal, according to the treaty.  The Seminoles are not the only Indians in this position; there is a tribe similarly situated in the far Northwest.  The Commissioner had talked to that tribe in the same way that he now does to the Seminoles.

            The State of Florida was getting very impatient, and had threatened to send a force of her own and drive the Seminoles out, if the United states did not do it for them.  This was the state of the case, which as men of sense the Seminoles must see, and it was to permit murderous collisions between the cowboys of Florida and the United States soldiers on the one hand, and the Seminoles on the other, that the Commissioner had adopted the course he had in bringing them here.  If a war broke out anew between the whites and Seminoles, the latter would be all destroyed.  It is natural for a man to love his native home, and he (the Commissioner) had the same feeling with other men; but he had changed home two or three times in his life, and would do it again if any thing like the inducements held out to the Seminoles were offered to him.  The Indians, therefore, in Florida do not appear to be acting wisely' they seem to be listening to the bad advice of bad men.  Even if the United states could permit them to stay in Florida, it would be best for the Seminoles to emigrate.  Those that had gone west of the Mississippi were doing as well as ever they did in Florida, and better than those now remaining in that State.  The Government was kindly disposed towards the Seminoles, and would, if they peaceably removed, do much for them, as a united tribe, in their new home.

            The Commissioner appealed to the colored interpreter, Abraham, who resided fourteen years west of the Mississippi, as to the prosperity he enjoyed out there.   Abraham confirmed what had been asked of him.

            The Commissioner said that the whole matter was this:  The treaty of 1832 binds the Seminoles to remove, and, if they do so, all will be well with them; if they do not, nothing but difficulty, trouble, and danger await them.  Gen. Blake had been sent to them to say this, and no doubt he had done it.  If any body advised them contrary to what the Commissioner had now said, he had told an untruth; and if they did not believe the Commissioner now, they very soon would.

            The Commissioner then invited Billy Bowlegs to reply when he was in better health, and had time to consider.  This he promised to do.

            Arrangements were then made to call on the President of the United States soon, who, said Col. Lea, will have great pleasure in speaking with them.  Gen. Blake would attend to all their wants and reasonable desires whilst in the city.  The Indians then shook hands and retired.

            Before leaving the building they were conducted into the rooms of the Quartermaster's Bureau (Gen. Jesup's) the General having known Billy Bowlegs and one or two of his companions in Florida.  They seemed pleased with the recognition, and answered sundry little questions as to their past health, &c.  To one question casually put by Gen. Jessup, "are you going to the country West?"  Billy Bowlegs, though previously conversing in English, suddenly stopped, and referred to Abraham to give the reply which was, 'I do not know yet."  This conversation was not renewed, and the Indians soon left.

            They are expected to leave Washington on their return home about the 25th instant, embarking for Charleston or Savannah at New York.  They are stopping at Brown's Hotel.

 

Sept. 17, 1852:  Alexandria Gazette:  [Seminole]

            [from the Savannah Georgian]

            Distinguished Arrivals.

            Our city [presumably Savannah, Georgia] was enlivened on Saturday [Sept. 11], by the arrival of the W. Gaston, from Florida, of an embassy of Seminoles en route for Washington, to hold converse with president Fillmore.  At their head was the veritable Billy Bowlegs himself, accompanied by two sub-chiefs, Seporke Yoholo, the representative of Sam Jones and tribe, and John Jumper, a chief of the Arkansas delegation.  In the suite of these envoys came three attaches, Firehatche Emarthler, Vacose emarthler and Choco Tuste uggee.  The town was all agog to see these commioners of the Red Men--and dressed in the fantastic garbs of calico tunics, flannel breeches, moccasins and turbaned head-dresses, striped all over with bands of beads and showy tapes, these delegated authorities excited universal interest.  The whole body is under charge of Gen. Blake, U.S. Indian Agent, who, after three negotiations, finally persuaded them to accompany him to Washington.  He treated with them last at Fort Myers, and started thence on the 31st ult.  Their route is direct for the Capital, to make definite arrangements with the President for the removal to the West of all their tribes in Florida.

            In the suite, we must not forget to mention the interpreter, an intelligent old negro by the name of Abraham.  He is quite a venerable, dignified looking personage, a sort of Indianized major domo, with his face set off with a woolly moustache.  In the history of the Seminoles, he holds quite a conspicuous position, as the friend and counsellor of Mikonopi, and is known by the soubriquet of the latter's Sense Keeper.  Gen. Blake obtained him in Arkansas, where he stayed with Mikonopi until his death.  For the position he holds, he is invaluable.  Bowlegs is about five feet nine inches high, and of ordinary strength of build.  His countenance exhibits good nature, interest in conversation and passing events, with sufficient intelligence.

            In dress, he was slightly distinguished from the less noted of his followers by the richness of color in apparel, and a head dress set off with raven plumes.  He is said to ahve quite a fondness for the social vices of tobacco and liquor, and lets pass no opportunity of indulging too freely in the latter.  He presents nothing grand or elevated in his face or bearing, and is more a contrast than otherwise to that wild majesty we are wont to ascribe to these lords of the forest.  Among their visits to the curious things of the city, was that to the compositors' and press rooms of the Georgian.  At the boxes and management of the type, and the skill with which the compositor placed the letters together, they looked with an intelligible interest, but when, for their benefit, the press was set in motion, and sheet after sheet thrown off, for perusal, they gazed with admiration and astonishment. --Savannah Georgian

 

Sept. 18, 1852:  Daily National Intelligencer  [Seminole]

            Seminole Interview With The President

            According to an arrangement made by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, the Florida Indians were yesterday admitted to an interview with the president of the United States.  They were accompanied by the Commissioner and Gen. Luther Blake.  the Secretaries of War and the Navy were also present.

            Gen. Blake commenced the business of the interview by remarking that the Seminole Indians had encountered many troubles and difficulties in various ways, and that their object now was to call upon their Great Father, the President, himself, and learn from him what they might expect. 

            To this the President replied that he should be happy to hear whatever they might wish to say, and would in return give them any information they might desire.

            Col. Lea, commissioner of Indian Affairs, explained the particulars of what had occurred at the meeting on Thursday, in the course of which he said he had assured the Seminoles that their Great Father, the President, would in like manner with himself listen patiently to all they might desire to communicate.  This was the first time Billy Bowlegs had been to Washington, or indeed out of Florida.

            To the President's inquiry if Billy Bowlegs had any thing to say, Billy replied that he had come here to learn from his Great Father the whole truth respecting their affairs.  His father was a warrior; so was he; and he came here not to ask for favors, but for justice.  He came not to pay a mere visit of compliment, but to seek for justice; and whatever his Great Father decided to give, he would be satisfied with.  The white people are his friends and brothers, and it was with these feelings that he asked for justice.  He said he had no ill-feeling against the whites' none whatever.

            Finding Billy Bowlegs somewhat slow in coming to the real subject for consideration, the Commissioner of Indian Affairs suggested that the motive which brought the Indians to see the President was to hear from him his sentiments respecting the removal of the Seminoles remaining in Florida to the west of the Mississippi.

            Gen. Blake remarked that he had often advised the Seminoles that the arrangement with Gen. Worth was merely temporary, and did not amount to the force of a treaty.

            Billy Bowlegs said he had not yet mentioned any thing respecting a treaty with Gen. Worth.  Gen. Worth told him he had authority from the President to make a treaty.  The General said he had orders to make a friendly treaty; that he had come among the Seminoles to put a stop to bloodshed; and that there should be no more fighting.  All the Seminoles (continued Gen. Worth) that were left in Florida must gather together, draw a line, and live within it.  When the line was run, the Seminoles might live south of it, and could remain in the country.  This (repeated Gen Worth) I came to tell you on the authority of the president.  I can do nothing without his authority, and I am telling you the truth.  After this Gen. Worth said:  "We have made a treaty; there is to be no more fighting between s; war is all over; you have now nothing to do but to go and raise your children."  Gen. Worth again stated that he said all this by authority of the President.  "He had," he said, made a treaty of peace with the Seminoles, and if it were ever denied the Seminoles might call him (Gen. Worth) a liar forever."

            To a question here put by the President asking if this was done in writing or in mere verbal conversation, Billy replied that Gen. worth had a paper before him.

            To another question from the president inquiring if Billy himself had ever signed any paper to this effect, Billy replied that he had not' he was so glad at the peace that he did not think of such a thing.  Gen. worth advised him how he and his people should conduct themselves; he told him to go and raise their children, and keep hold of the country; and if they saved the lives of any of the whites who might be shipwrecked on the coast, or should stray into their country, they should be paid for them.  In consequence of this, Billy said that he and his people had conducted themselves accordingly, and, by way of instance, gave four cases in which white persons had been rescued from impending death by starvation and exposure.

            One of these was the case of a young man who had drifted to a rock on a piece of wreck, and had been seven days without food or fresh water; another was that of a man who had strayed four days' travel into the Indian country; a third was an insane person whose track betrayed him; and a fourth was a drummer boy, who, having lost himself whilst gunning, and becoming so reduced as to be compelled to feed on cypress leaves, had laid him down to die, but was discovered by Billy's brother Simon, who, by judicious management in the very gradual administration of nutriment, restored the boy to life and health.  It was such things as this that Gen. Worth told him to do, and said that he would mention such acts to you, meaning the President for the time being; and he obeyed Gen. Worth in generally righting everything that went wrong.  Such was his (Billy Bowleg's) anxiety to remain in the country that he would deliver up for punishment any of his own people who should commit wrong.  He would always obey the whites' orders, and give up malefactors.  He loved his home very much; yes, if it were only a little place with a pine stump upon it, he should wish to stay there.  He would do any thing at all so as to stay.  In fine, he would willingly listen to his Great Father, for he had heard of him for a long time, and had wished to see him. 

            The President answered, that he was happy to see Billy Bowlegs and the rest of his red children from Florida.  I have, said the President, heard of him long before I saw him here.  I know he is a great man among his people, and I am glad to hear that he has done so many good things to the whites.  I feel a great regard for all my red children wherever they may be, but for none more than those living in Florida.  I have lived many years of my life close by the Seneca Nation, and I am therefore acquainted with Indian habits.  I am happy to hear that you come here simply to ask for justice.  I am anxious to do every thing I can to make your people happy, and to do justice to them as far as the laws and treaties of the country will permit me.  Treaties made between the whites and Indians, or between different nations of white, are laws, and all must obey them.  Twenty years ago a treaty was made between the whites and the Seminole Indians in Florida.  By that treaty the Seminoles granted all the land in Florida to the whites, and agreed to remove west of the Mississippi and settle by the side of the Creeks.  That treaty has never been abrogated or set aside, and no new treaty has ever been made.  This treaty, made twenty years ago, is made binding on me and the people of the United states, and on all the Seminole Indians, whether in Florida or west of the Mississippi.  Such treaties are always made in writing, and are signed by Indians and the Commissioner, who make them.  They are then printed in our books, so that we may look at them and see what we have agreed to do, and also see what the Indians have agreed to do.  Such treaties as these have no end.  Sometimes our Commissioner or General carrying on a way, makes a truce, or agrees to stop fighting, but that is not a treaty.  Such an arrangement or truce as that by which the parties stop fighting and keep apart, are not always made in writing, but by word of mouth, as Billy says he made the arrangement with Gen. Worth.  We understand that Gen. Worth made a truce or agreement by which fighting was to be stopped, and the Indians were to go south of a certain line.  But this arrangement was not permanent it was understood as temporary, and that the Indians there were to go west of the Mississippi.

            I am, continued the President, anxious only to do what is for the Indian's good, and for the good of the people of Florida.  I never was in Florida; I do not know the people of Florida more than the red men now present, and am as anxious to do justice to one as to the other.  But the inhabitants of Florida are increasing and will crowd on the settlements where the Indians live.  The people o Florida have a right to ask that I see this treaty performed.  What I fear is, that as the whites get on, the Indians and they will get into a fight.  Now, if a war should break out again, I fear the Indians would be destroyed.

            We have prepared a place for them west of the Mississippi.  That is where the rest of their brethren have gone, and if these should remain in Florida, and die there, their children would want to remain there also; but it is impossible.  I know it is a painful thing to remove from the place where one was born and brought up, but we all do it in case of necessity.  I have removed from the place where I was born, and never expect to go there again.

            If the Indians go west they will go under the protection of this Government, and I shall be happy to make their journey as comfortable to themselves, their wives and children, as possible.  When they get there they will find a good country and their old friends, and they will soon feel as if they were at home.  There will be no danger of their leaving their children where there will be war with the whites, and I shall do every thing in my power to render their new home happy and comfortable.

            But I must say to them, and they must understand that this treaty which they made in 1832 to go west of the Mississippi must be performed; there is no way I can avoid it, and the only way for them to do it for their own benefit is to do it peaceably, quietly; and in what they will have the love and affection of this Government instead of having us for their enemies, and compelling us to go to war with them.

            We have had a great deal of trouble already to permit the people of Florida from injuring them.  We cannot do this much longer; we cannot keep those cowboys from getting up a fight much longer.  They only way to do this is for the Seminoles to go quietly wet of the Mississippi.  Gen. Blake is authorized by me to make arrangements to take them there, and I have no doubt that all he tells them in reference to it is true.  If he should tell them any thing not true and it comes to my knowledge, I would let them know it, and would immediately remove him from office.

            This is all I have to say except to return you my very sincere thanks for your kindness to the whites who have strayed in among you, and to express to you the hope that you will feel the importance of what I have said to you.  I have told you the truth; and for every thing else you wish to know I refer you to the Commissioner of Indian affairs, who will provide for all your wants whilst you remain with us.  You are our friends, and will be treated as such.

            The President here announced that he had concluded and wished to hear Billy, or any other Indian who might wish to say any thing.  The Indians having expressed their desire to say no more at the time, after shaking hands, withdrew, two or three of them appearing, by their countenances, to take the remarks of the president rather hard.

 

Sept. 18, 1852:  American Commercial Daily Advertiser [Balto, Md.] [Seminole]

            The Florida Indians.--The delegation of Seminole Indians from Florida, now in Washington, had an interview with Mr. Lea, the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, on Thursday.  The Commissioner addressed them at some length, explaining to them the nature and provisions of the treaties which had been made with their tribe, and advised them of the obligations that existed between them and this Government, and of the absolute necessity for their removal, which, having been guaranteed by former treaties, was now demanded by the State of Florida.  Billy Bowlegs, their Chief, was invited to speak and explain his views, but excused himself by alleging a severe cold and a desire to take more time for examination and consideration.  He, however, promised to speak at another time.

            Subsequently the delegation visited the Quartermaster's Department, to see Gen. Jessup, with whom they were acquainted.  In rep'y there to a question whether they would remove "to the country west," the answer was made that they did not know yet.  The delegation will leave Washington about the 25th instant, passing through Baltimore and embarking for Charleston at New York.

 

Sept. 18, 1852:  Alexandria Gazette  [Seminole]

            [reprint of Sept. 17, 1852 DNI article]

           

Sept. 18, 1852:  New-York Daily Times [Sauk & Fox]

            Second visit to the Indian Bureau of the Sac and Fox Delegations.

            [REPRINT of Sept. 3, DNI article]

 

[Sept. 20, 1852]:  A Journal of the Proceedings of the House of Representatives of the

            General Assembly of the State of Florida, 1852.  [Seminole]

            Memorandum of an agreement between Luke Lea, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and Billy Bowledgs, Nokose Emarthla, Foschatchlee Emarthla, Foschatchlee Emarthla, and Chocote-Tustenuggee, chiefs and headmen of the Seminole Indians in Florida.

            The said Indians having visited Washington for the purpose of seeing the President and Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and of understanding from them what the Seminoles in Florida were required to do in regard to their removal west, and being now satisfied, from what the president and Commissioner have said to them, that they and all the Seminoles in Florida are under obligations to remove, do hereby agree to use all their influence for the purpose of getting their people to emigrate at the earliest possible day.

            The said Lea, commissioner as aforesaid, agrees that the Indians shall be comfortably transported to their country west of the Mississippi and that for all the stock and other property they may have in Florida the owners shall be paid a reasonable price.  After their removal, the government will, by treaty or otherwise, adopt such measures as may be necessary and proper for their protection and support.  Their removal is to be conducted by General Blake, or such other agents the Government may appoint.  And the chiefs and headmen who sign this agreement faithfully promise to give the said agent all the assistance in their power, so that the removal of all the Indians in Florida may be effected with the least possible delay.

            Signed at the city of Washington, this 20th day of September, 1852,

                        L. Lea  (L.S.)

                                    Commissioner of Indian Affairs

                        Billy Bowlegs,   his x mark

                        Nokose Emarthla,  his x mark

                        Foschatchlee Emarthla, his x mark

                        Chocote Tustenuggee, his x mark

            Witness:

                        Jno. Jumper, his x mark

                        Sarpark Yoholo, his x mark

                        Abraham, Interpreter, his x mark

                        L. Blake, Agent

                        Joab Griffin

 

Sept. 20, 1852:  Alexandria Gazette [Seminole]

            Visit of the Seminole Delegation to the President.   

            On Friday afternoon the Seminole delegation, accompanied by Gen. Blake, visited the President of the United States.  They were introduced by Col. Lea, the Commissioner of Indian Affairs.  Among the gentlemen present as spectators, were the Secretary of War and the Secretary of the Navy.

            The President remarked he should be pleased to hear any thing the delegation had to say.

            The Commissioner of Indian Affairs informed the President that he met these Indians yesterday at his bureau, and had considerable conversation with them.  He had told them plainly what he understood to be their duty and interest, particularly with reference to their removal from Florida to the country assigned to them west of the Mississippi.  He had told them that he would say nothing but the truth; and, on coming to see the president, he had requested them to speak freely, and assured them that they would be answered in a like manner.  This was the first time Billy Bowlegs has been in Washington, and out of Florida.

            The President said he should be happy to hear from him.

            The Commissioner observed that Billy had a bad cold, and was sorry that Abraham was suffering from a similar complaint.

            The President having (through the interpreter) inquired of Billy Bowlegs whether he had anything to say to him--

            Billy replied:  Very well; and then said he was a warrior, and did not come here to beg, but to ask for justice, with which he would be satisfied.  This was his errand.  He had no hard feelings towards any one if he had, he would not have come so far.

            The Commissioner.  I suppose his great object was to see the President, and to hear from his own lips what he thinks of this important movement--the removal of the Indians from Florida to the west of the Mississippi.

            General Blake said they had heretofore made certain arrangements, which they understood to be treaties.  He had told them that they were not treaties, but only intended for the cessation of hostilities.  They were of the opinion that, by agreeing to those arrangements with General Worth, they could remain in Florida, and would not be molested.

            The President having inquired whether Billy had said all he intended to say--

            Billy (through the interpreter) replied that General Worth told him he came to make a friendly treaty, in only three words, with a view of permiting further bloodshed.  They had been advised, as there were but few Seminoles, to get together within  certain boundary, and General worth marked the line, saying that he would maintain it for them.  He further told them that he was a white man, and had not done this without authority from the President of the United States.  General worth said to them, "We have made a treaty; let's bury the tomahawk, never more to dig it up;" and that they must try to love one another and life in peace.  He likewise told them what he would do for them, so that they might remain in the country.  There was no paper signed.  They were so glad to make peace that they agreed to what was proposed to them, thinking it was all right and that there would be no further trouble--General Worth told them that if they would save the lives of the white people, they should be paid for doing so.  Accordingly, those who were found had been sent home.  A boy who was shipwrecked, a crazy man, and a drummer boy, and others, were well cared for.  The last-named had laid himself down to die, and was found in that condition.  General Worth had told them to attend to things like this--Whenever Indians should do any mischief, they had promised to surrender them, so anxious were they to remain in Florida.  Billy said he would now listen to the President.  He had come to see his Great Father, having heard of him for a long time.

            The above is the substance only of Billy's remarks.

            The President, (to Abraham.)  Say to Billy that I am happy to meet him and the rest of my red children from Florida.  Tell him I heard of him long before I saw him here.  I know he is a great man among his people; and I am happy to hear he has done so many good things among the white people.  I feel a great regard for all my red children, wherever they might be, and for none have I more regard than those living in Florida.  I have lived for many years close by the Seneca nation, and therefore am somewhat acquainted with Indian habits.  I am glad to hear he comes here simply to ask justice.  I am anxious to do every thing I can to make his people happy, and do justice to them, as far as the laws and treaties of the country will permit me.  Treaties made between the whites and the Indians, and between different nations of whites, are laaw; and we have all to abide by them--must all obey them.  Twenty years ago a treaty was made between the whites and the Seminole Indians of Florida.  By that treaty the Seminoles granted all their lands to the whites, and agreed to remove west of the Mississippi, and settle by the side of the Creeks.  That treaty has never been set aside, and no treaty has since been made.  This treaty, then, made twenty years ago, is binding on me and all the people of the U[nited] States, and on the Seminoles, whether they be in Florida or west of the Mississippi.

            Such treaties are laws made in writing, and signed by Indians and the Commissioner who makes them, and then they are printed in our books, so we may always look at them and see what we agreed to do, and also see what the Indians agreed to do.  Such treaties as these have no end; but when, soetimes our commissioner, or general, is carrying on a war, he makes a truce; that is, to stop fighting.  But that is not a treaty.  Such a truce as that (agreeing to stop fighting) is not always in writing, but by talking between the parties--such as he says he made with Gen. Worth.  We understand that Gen. worth made an arrangement, or a truce, by which the Indians agreed to stop fighting and go south of a certain line, and the whites were not to intrude.  But this was only a truce; and the Indians were, after a time, to go West, as they agreed in the treaty.  You may say to him (Billy) that I am  only anxious to do what is for their good and the good of the people of Florida.  I never was in Florida.  I do not know the people of Florida any better than I do these men; therefore, I am as anxious to have justice done to the one as to the other.  I see that the inhabitants of Florida are increasing, and that they will soon crowd where these people now live; and the people of Florida have a right to ask me to enforce the treaty.  And what I fear is, as the whites crowd on the Indians, they will get into a fight; and if a war shall break out again, I fear the Indians would be utterly destroyed.  We have appropriated a place for them west of the Mississippi.  There is where the rest of their brethren have gone; and if these should remain where they now are, and die there, their children would want to remain, and this is impossible.  I know it is painful to remove from the place where they were born and have been brought up; but we all do it in cases of necessity.  I have removed from where I was born, and do not expect to go back again.  If they go West, they will go under the protection of this government; and I shall be happy to do everything in my power to make their journey easy and comfortable to them, and to their wives and children, as possible.  When they get there, they will find a good country and their old friends, and they will soon feel as if they were at home.  And then there will be no danger of leaving their children in a situation to fear war from the whites, and I should be glad to do everything in my power to render their new homes comfortable.  But I must say to them, and wish them to understand, that this treaty which they made twenty years ago, by which they agreed to remove west of the Mississippi, must be performed.  There is no way for me to avoid it; and the only way it can be done for their benefit is to do it peaceably, quietly.  In that case, they would have the love and affection of the country, to protect them, instead of being enemies and having to go to war against them.  We have had a great deal of trouble already to permit the white people in Florida from injuring them; but I cannot hope to do this much longer--Those cow-boys will get up a fight; and the only way to permit this is to do what they promised in the treaty--to go quickly to their friends west of the Mississippi.  General Blake is authorized by me to make arrangements to take them there.  I have no doubt everything he tells them with reference to it is true.  If he told them any thing not true, and it came to my knowledge, I would let them know it, and I should immediately remove him from office.  This is all I have to say except to return you thanks for the great kindness you have shown to the whites who strayed in among you, and to express to you the hope that you will feel the importance of what I have said to you.  I have told you the truth; and for everything else you want to know I refer you to the Commissioner of Indians.  You are our friends and will be treated as such.

            The Indians then took their leave of the president, and returned to their quarters at Brown's Hotel.

 

Sept. 20, 1852:  American and Commercial Daily Advertiser [Balto., Md.] [Seminole]

            Visit of the Seminole Delegation to the president.

            The Seminole Indians now in Washington on Friday visited the President, and were introduced by Mr. Lea, the Indian Commissioner.  A number of gentlemen were present during the interview, among whom were the Secretary of War and the Secretary of the Navy.

            After they had been introduced Billy Bowlegs, their chief, made a short address to the President, in which he spoke of a treaty his tribe had made with Gen. worth, by which they understood they were to be permitted to remain in Florida on condition of remaining within certain limits, and of good behavior.  The President, after the chief had concluded, addressed the delegation at some length, explaining to them in a kind and familiar manner the relations that existed between their tribe and the U. S. Government, and the course that would have to be purs[u]ed in regard to their removal from Florida.  He told them that what they called the treaty made by Gen. Worth was but a mere temporary arrangement, or a truce, such as was often made by commanders in time of war, and that it could not permit the enforcement of the treaty by which they had agreed to go West.  This treaty, the president informed them, must be performed, that there was no way to avoid it, and that it would be for their benefit to observe it peaceably and quietly.  He advised them at once to prepare for a removal as the only way of saving the remnants of their tribe, and assured them in the event of their compliance of the protection and favor of the Government.  At the conclusion of the address the Indians took their leave.

 

Sept. 21, 1852:  Richmond Whig  [Seminole]

            The Seminole delegation of Indians, among whom is the noted chief, Billy Bowlegs, have arrived at Washington, the object of their visit being to enter into definite arrangements with the Government for the removal to the West, of all their tribes in Florida.

 

Sept. 21, 1852:  New-York Daily Times [Seminole]

            Seminole Interview with the President

            [REPRINT of  Sept. 18 DNI article]

 

Sept. 22, 1852:  Daily National Intelligencer [Seminole]

            The Seminole Indians will leave Washington this morning in charge of Gen. Luther Blake, who brought them hither.  We are happy to know that an arrangement has been completed with them, whereby they stipulate to use all their influence, and exertions to induce the whole of the remaining portion of the tribe now in Florida to emigrate to the country prepared for them west of the Mississippi at the earliest offered opportunity.  The Government, on its part, assures them of safe and comfortable transportation for themselves and families and property, and in general all the facilities necessary to render the emigration satisfactory to the Indians.  On this happy result we believe the country will congratulate itself.

 

Sept. 22, 1852:  Alexandria Gazette  [Seminole]

            [reprinted from the Republic]

            The Florida Indians.

            We learn, but not officially, that preliminary arrangements have been entered into with Billy Bowlegs, by the Comm[i]ssioner of Indian Affairs, for the removal of the remnant of the Seminoles, now in Florida, to the west of the Mississippi river, and that the emigration will commence during the present season.  Every thing necessary to their comfort on the journey, and at their new homes, will be afforded--They ardently desire to remain for a longer period in the land of their fathers, not fully appreciating the dangers to which they are exposed--the whites being impatient for a full execution of the treaty, made twenty years ago, between the Government and the Seminoles, and which is now required, by necessity, to be carried into effect. --Republic

 

Sept. 23, 1852:  New-York Daily Times [Seminole]

            The Seminoles Going West.               Washington, Wednesday, Sept. 22

            Billy Bowlegs left for New-York to day.  He will receive presents there, and go thence to Florida by steamer.  As soon as he arrives home the Indians are to move off in squads to their new home, West of the Mississippi.  Billy promises all fair--if he proves false nothing is to follow but war.

           

Sept. 23, 1852:  New-York Daily Times [Seminole]

            Billy Bowlegs

            We are apt to respect the public enemy in proportion to the trouble he imposes on the nation in fighting him, and measure the degree of personal deference, by the boldness with which he approaches our capital, or the bravery displayed in defending his own.  It is related to the Paris Moniteur, that when the great Napoleon broke his parol [sic] in Elba and landed on the coast of France, "the monster had broke loose from his cage, and is now prowling on our frontier."  As he approached the capital, and had been welcomed by his Old Guard at Grenoble, "the Dictator of the French  has been received by his soldiers, and threatens more trouble to the Kingdom."  And on his triumphal entry into Paris, "the Emperor is again in his capital, and His Imperial majesty slept last night in his palace of the Tuilleries!"

            And so it is with Field-Marshal Bowlegs, of the Seminole Army, and the public of the United States.  When he began his campaigns against the whites in Florida, some ten or fifteen years ago, he was treated as a marauding savage, and twitted as plain Bill Bowlegs!  Subsequently, when it was found impracticable to drive him from the chaparal, or exterminate him by superiority of numbers, a parley was called, and he was more kindly and familiarly recognized as Billy Bowlegs!!  And having after much difficulty and diplomacy induced the indomitable warrior to visit Washington to talk with the President in person, he is now recognized indifferently as Marshal Bowlegs, or William Crookshanks, Esq!!!  Whether this deference will secure the desired object, viz: the abandonment without further bloodshed of his old hunting grounds in Florida, remains in doubt.  The very latest dispatch, doubtless from no less authority than the State Department, to our neighbor of the Courier and Enquirer, intimates that it will not.  His Excellency is said to be taciturn and melancholy, being evidently oppressed with apprehension that the whites are purposing at last to take possession.  He is soon to pay a visit to this great emporium, and we trust he will be welcomed with such demonstrations of popular respect, as may in some degree remove his taciturnity, and lighten the melancholy under which he is oppressed at Washington.

            For ourselves we have entertained a very considerable degree of respect for Bowlegs and his attainments, ever since his interview with Gen. Brooke, some years since, at Tampa Bay.  He is evidently no common Indian, and his affinity to the savage, to whose "untutored mind" the poet refers, is very remote indeed.  Mr. Bowlegs is a good English scholar--at least a belles lettres scholar.  He has studied to decided purpose the classic light literature of the age of Fillmore and Smollett, and in his closing interview with the American diplomat, and the coup de grace with which he quitted the presence, showed as broad an appreciation of the ridiculous as the author of Peregrin Pickle himself.

            P.S.  Since the foregoing, we learn by telegraph that Mr. Bowlegs has finished his business at Washington, and is returning home via New-York.

 

Sept. 24, 1852:  Evening Post [New York]  [Seminole]

            The Seminole Indians.--The celebrated chief of the Seminole Indians, Billy Bowlegs, arrived in this city yesterday afternoon with General Luther Blake, and is at present staying at the American hotel, with several other chiefs of his nation.  The names of his associates are as follows:  John Jumper, Tustatha Emathla, Nocosse, Emathla, Chocote Tustenugga, Sar Parkee Yohola, and Abraham, the interpreter, who is a colored man.  These Indians will remain here till Saturday, when they leave by steamship for Savannah, and thence to key West.

            Last evening Billy and his associates were present at the performances in Niblo's, with which they were much pleased, and to-day they will visit some of our public institutions.

 

Sept. 24, 1852:  Enquirer [Richmond]  [Seminole]

            [partial reprint from Sept. 18, 1852 DNI]

            Seminole Interview with the President.

            According to an arrangement made by the Commissioner of Indian affairs, the Florida Indians were yesterday admitted to an interview with the President of the United States.  They were accompan[i]ed by the Commissioner and Gen. Luther Blake.  The Secretaries of War and Navy were also present.

            Gen. Blake commenced the business of the interview by remarking that the Seminole Indians had encountered many troubles and difficulties in various ways, and that their object was now to call upon their Great Father, the President, himself, and learn from him what they might expect.

            To this the President replied that he should be happy to hear whatever they might wish to say, and would in return give them any information they might desire.

            Col. Lea, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, explained the particulars of what had occurred at the meeting on Thursday in the course of which he said he had assured the Seminoles that their Great Father, the president, would in like manner with himself listen patiently to all they might desire to communicate.  This was the first time Billy Bowlegs had been to Washington, or indeed out of Florida.

            To the President's inquiry if Billy Bowlegs had any thing to say, Billy replied that he had come here to learn from his Great Father the whole truth respecting their affairs--His father was a warrior, so was he; and he came here not to ask for favors; but for justice.  He came not to pay a mere visit of compliment, but to seek for justice; and whatever his Great Father decided to give he would be satisfied with.  The white people are his friends and brothers, and it was with these feelings that he asked for justice.  He said he had no ill-feelings against the whites; none whatever.

            Finding Billy Bowlegs somewhat slow in coming to the real subject for consideration, the Commissioner of Indian Affairs suggested that the motive which brought the Indians to see the President was to hear from him his sentiments respecting the removal of the Seminoles remaining in Florida to the West of the Mississippi.

            The President, after some remarks on the subject of the treaty, and the relations existing between the Government and the Seminoles, and the care that would be taken to make their journey West of the Mississippi as comfortable as possible, said:

            But I must say to them, and they must understand that this treaty which they made in 1832 to go West of the Mississippi must be performed; there is no way I can avoid it, and the only way for them to do it for their own benefit, is to do it peaceably, quietly; and in that they will have the love and affection of this Government instead of having us for their enemies, and compelling us to go to war with them.

            We have had a great deal of trouble already to permit the people of Florida from injuring them.  We cannot do this much longer; we cannot keep those cowboys from getting up a fight much longer.  They only way to do this is for the Seminoles to go quietly West of the Mississippi.

            The President announced that he had concluded, and wished to hear Billy, or any other Indian who might wish to say anything.  The Indians have expressed their desire to say no more at the time, after shaking hands, withdrew, two or three of them appearing by their countenances, to take the remarks of the president rather Hard.  National Intelligencer

 

Sept. 24, 1852:  New-York Daily Times [Seminole]

            Billy Bowlegs.                        Philadelphia, Thursday, Sept. 23.

            Billy Bowlegs left here for New-York this morning.

 

Sept. 24, 1852:  New-York Daily Times [Seminole]

            The Seminole Indians.--The deputation of Seminole Indians have left Washington, the Republic states that an arrangement has been completed with them, whereby they stipulate to use all their influence and exertions to induce the whole of the remaining portion of the tribe now in Florida, to emigrate to the country prepared for them west of the Mississippi at the earliest offered opportunity.  The Government, on its part, assures them of safe and comfortable transportation for themselves and families and property, and in general all the facilities necessary to render the emigration satisfactory to the Indians.

 

Sept. 24, 1852:  New-York Daily Times [Seminole]

            News of the Morning.  [extract]

            In local affairs, we notice the arrival of Billy Bowlegs, the well-known Seminole Chief, and his companions.  An interesting account of the "movements" of these "distinguished personages," will be found under the City head.  One would not uppose, in looking at these importations from the Florida Swamps, that they have been so long a terror and scourge to enterprising and courageous white men--The record of still another murder blackens our pages this morning.  In this case a mother's life is sacrificed to the brutal passions of her own son.

 

Sept. 24, 1852:  New-York Daily Times [Fox]

            Fourteen Indians passed down the Ohio River, on the 16th, says the Louisville Democrat, on the steamer Hindoo.  Six of them were chiefs of the Fox tribe, one, old Powesheick, the head chief.  They were on their return from Washington City.  The matter of their annuity was settled to their satisfaction.  They were en route for their homes in the Far West.

 

Sept. 25, 1852:  New-York Daily Times [Seminole]

            Arrival of Billy Bowlegs and Site.--We have not since the days of Black hawk been honored with a visit from so celebrated an Indian Chief as Billy Bowlegs, or "Holotee Micko," as he is called among his own people.  Billy arrived yesterday from Phildelphia via Amboy, accompanied by Gen. Luther Blake, six Indian Chiefs and an Interpreter.  The whole party consists of:

            Billy Bowlegs, a short, stout built and rather ordinary looking barbarian, about forty years of age, clad in a calico frock, leggins, a belt or two, and a kind of small black cloak.  On his head, he wore a kind of turban enclosed in a broad silver band, and surmounted by a profusion of black ostrich feathers.  Billy is the hereditary Chief of the Seminoles, and nephew of Micconopy, the old chief, who ruled the tribe at the commencement of the Seminole War in 1835; he is also a relative of King Payne, who gave our people so much trouble in Georgia and vicinity in 1812.

            Another of the party is John Jumper, a subordinate chief of the Seminoles; his father Jumper was famous as a persevering enemy.  Old Jumper having gone to seek new hunting-grounds in another world, John Jumper has come in possession of all his authority.  He is rather a good-looking Indian, but possesses anything but an inviting countenance.

            Nocose Emanthla is still another Seminole Chief, whose people are yet in Florida.  Nocose dresses in a calico shirt, fringed, and rudely embroidered around the edges; he also wears a turban, formed of a narrow shawl, wound several times arou[n]d his head.

            Fasatchee Emanthla, is another of the red-skin visitors; but what entitles him to the importance of a delegate to Washington is not made public.  He is probably a subordinate chief of the Seminoles, to which tribe he belongs.

            Chocote Tustenuggee, a Miccasukie Chief, living at Sam Jones's settlement, is also one of the members, and is, perhaps the best looking of the whole delegation.  Ariparka (or Sam Jones) would have accompanied the delegation, but, in considering the matter he concluded that he was too old; he therefore called for Tustanuggee, and told him to go in his place, and hear what the great Chief of the white people had to say to the people of his tribe.

            Sarparkee Yohola and Panackecthla are two Seminole Chiefs, who, with their people, have removed from Florida to Arkansas.  They visited Florida for the purpose of inducing the Florida Indians to emigrate to the West.  They say there is better hunting and more comfort in their new home than the Florida Indians can possibly have.

            Abram, the Negro interpreter, is no unimportant personage in the suite.  Abram is about 70 years old, but holds his own remarkably.  Gen. Blake says of him:

            "He looks old, but is still active, and much more cheerful than the Indians.  He is a negro, and of Billidulgeria blackness.  He speaks English fluently, and also Indian, as his mother tongue.  He came up among the Seminole realm--being the 'Sense keeper' of  Micanopy--that is, the 'keeper of the King's conscience.'  I suppose it was under Abraham's advice, that the cunning old chief Micanopy, declared that he never signed the treaty of "Poyre's Landing,"--that he only pointed at the pen, but never touched it.  Abraham does not seem inclined to do justice to the memory of Osceola.  He sneers at him, as a Creek--not a native Seminole.  Abraham finally, about two years ago, struck his tent, and consented to remove to Arkansas.  He went out, accordingly, and is now brought in with a view to exercise his influence to persuade the Seminoles to emigrate."

            The whole delegation appears to look to Billy Bowlegs as their leader, and he is not at all modest in the matter, for he always assumes the chief prerogatives.  Nor does he do this with any show of even savage politeness.  He is surly, and t all times cross and unmanageable.  There seems to be but little of the "noble" Indian about him.  When Osceola was alive Billy Bowlegs was hardly known except among his own people.  After the death of that celebrated chief, however, Bill took rank and soon became known as a wily, dangerous foe of the white man.  He soon gained the reputation of being treacherous and cruel, and has, down to the present times proved a troublesome fellow.  He now pretends that he is willing, and in fact desirous to emigrate; he says that game is getting scarce in Florida, and he thinks he can do much better at the West.  He is utterly surprised at what he has seen since he came North.  He had supposed that he saw in the Florida settlements a good specimen of what the whole country was.  He knew that there were white possessions out of Florida, but he thought there were small settlements.  He knew there was somewhere a large town called Washington, but of large commercial cities he had no idea.  Everything surprized him, but most of all the railroads.  He, Indian-like, concealed his wonder for a time, but at last carried away with admiration at the flying speed, Mr. Bowlegs ventured upon the assertion, {Railroads go very fast."  He is perfectly satisfied, that with the big guns, and powerful steamboats, and "Much folks," which he finds the whites have at command, and railroads by which to send forces, the great Seminole Nation itself must yield when all the appliances of war are brought to bear upon them.

            Four of the Bowlegs party attended the performances at Niblo's last evening, and after the Indian manner manifested a great deal of satisfaction.  When the ballet troupe appeared in the Barber of Seville, Billy stretched out his head and gazed intently as if struck with the beauty of all.  He soon, however, relapsed into his usual quiet and seemingly uninterested state, and simply gazed at the stage till the end of the first act, when the whole party got up, accompanied by the gentlemen who acted as their conductor, marched in great solemnity down to the saloon, where in the same solemn manner they drank each a glass of ruin, and then returned to their place in the parquette.  No doubt the public will be anxious to hear what idea Billy Bowlegs and his companions entertained of the quality of the performances.  Billy was asked by a gentleman what he thought of the performance, and replied, "Much good, must putty gal; he jump good deal;" and all his companions, as in duty bound, jerked their heads affirmatively.

            The Bowlegs party have taken rooms at the American Hotel, where they are at present lionizing.

 

Sept. 25, 1852:  New-York Daily Times [Seminole]

            New- York City.

            Movements of Billy Bowlegs and His Companions. --Yesterday morning, after Billy Bowlegs and his companions had breakfasted, and washed down their throats with beverage from the bar, three coaches were called, and Gen. Blake, handing in his precious charge, proceeded to the store of Messrs. Grant & Barton, Dry Goods dealers, in William-street.  This being the house which furnishes the Indians with dry goods, Billy was anxious to see the "big store."  A favorite phrase of Billy's, is, "fust-rate," and as he walked around and looked at pile after pile of high-colored calicoes and other gaudy goods, he did not restrain his praise.  All, was to his appreciation, "fust-rate," and the comparative commendation of separate articles was only to be made out from the emphasis which the Seminole placed upon the words.  Considerable time was consumed in looking at the dry goods, after which Gen. B. took Billy and two of his companions to the Howard Hotel, and introduced them to some friends, after which they again returned to the store in William-street.  Having concluded their visit to the establishment of Messrs. G. & B., the delegation next visited, by invitation, one of the newspaper offices, and witnessed the wonderful performances of Hoe's lightning press.  After looking on, first curiously, and the vacantly, Billy and his companions began to cast their eyes about the press-room, and at last Billy summed up the admiration of al, and becoming spokesman for the rest, declared the whole performance (which he supposed was gotten up for their special benefit) "Fust rate."  By the time the party had concluded their inspection of the press-room, an immense crowd of men and boys had gathered around the carriages, so that it was with some difficulty they regained their places in the vehicles

At the door.  As soon as the copper-colored lions had taken their seats in the carriages, the urchins opened their hundreds of throats and gave all sorts of juvenile yells, whoops, and tiger calls.  The demonstration pleased Billy wonderfully, and looking as complacently as he could upon the crowd of newsboys, he said:  "fust rate," and the carriage drove off to the American Hotel, where, again wetting their whistles, they retired to their room in the fourth story, and amused themselves by looking out upon the passing throng in Broadway.  During their morning visit, old Abram, the Negro interpreter, accompanied the Chiefs, and seemed much quicker to appreciate the merits of what was shown them than the Seminoles.  Abram is, beyond all doubt, a shrewd old fellow.  He has a great deal of fun about him, old as he is.

            In the evening the party visited "Christy's Minstrels," where a front bench had been reserved for them.  Just as the performances had commenced, one of the Chiefs became suddenly indisposed, and was obliged to procure the aid of two attendants, who escorted him to his carriage.  The Croton water which he had imbibed during the day evidently disagreed with his stomach, and it was malicious on the part of the person who said, "There goes a drunken Ingen" just as the poor dear Seminole had taken his seat languishingly in the carriage.  Croton water don't have the same effect upon every constitution, and it is cruel to charge our red celebrities with the vice of intemperance, or to hint at the probability of their being inebriated, unless plain facts warrant the conclusion.

            It was amusing to see the effect which the performances of the "troupe" had upon the Indians who remained.  At first they put on the look of stoical indifference which they habitually observe; but as the performers progressed from step to step in their ludicrous exhibition the row of stern visages began to relax, until at length Billy Bowlegs and two or three of his companions broke out into a loud "haw haw" and kept up a laughing accompaniment until "Polka Burlesque" was introduced.  This completely destroyed their gravity, and the whole delegation jumped up and down and clapped their hands exhibiting a perfect delirium of delight.  At the conclusion of the performances, the party drove off laughing and talking as merrily as a company of City bucks.  Old Abram particularly, was in the highest spirits, and just as the coachman cracked his whip, Bowlegs sung out "fust rate."

            The delegation are to leave to-day for Florida, via Savannah.  We wish them a "fust rate time".

 

Sept. 27, 1852:  New-York Daily Times [Seminole]

            Billy Bowlegs in Gotham--Peregrination of Holotee Micko--The Seminole Chief in the Common Council Tea Room--Strange Effect of Aldermanic Fare on a Live Indian.

            On Saturday morning Gen. Blake found on his table, at the American Hotel, numerous invitations to attend all sorts of places in company with Billy Bowlegs, Johnny Jumper and Tustenuggee & Co.  The General saw at a glance that he could not comply with one-half of the invitations, as the delegation were to leave town at 4 o'clock in the afternoon.  He therefore went to the rooms occupied by the Indians, for the purpose of consulting with them as to the best method of spending the day agreeably; but "lo! the poor Indians," they were in a sad condition.  The excesses of Friday night had worked out their natural effect, and the whole party were troubled with head-ache, and that indescribable kind of repentance which, it is said, always follows a night's debauch.  Bowlegs seemed to be in a better condition than any of his companions.  Gen. Blake therefore persuaded him to take a walk to Brooklyn, for the purpose of calling on  friend, and at the same time refreshing himself by inhaling the fresh breeze upon the East River.  So Billy took his departure to lionize by himself, leaving his companions to get over the effects of their hard drinking as best they could.  The whole party from old Abram down to the youngest of the lot, sat down to nurse their headache and wish themselves out of the crowd of white faces.  While they were sulking over the effects of their late inebriation, a messenger arrived to invite them to visit the Hardware Store, which supplies the Indian Department with articles in that line.  The idea pleased Tustenuggee, so the whole party sallied out, and in a few minutes found themselves in the store of Messrs. Hyslop, in Pearl-street, where they amused themselves by looking at the stock of guns, pistols, knives, and all the other articles that go to make up a stock of hardware.  A lot of rifles, handsomely mounted, attracted the attention of the Indians, one of whom, Emanthla, selected one of the best, and declared his intention to make it his own.  It was a handsome gun, but not deemed so reliable a piece as some which were held at a lower price; this Emanthla could not comprehend; but supposed that the highest price must procure the best gun.  He, therefore, pertinaciously [sic] held on to the rifle he had first selected.  Some others of the party also selected rifles, and several pieces of small cutlery were appropriated.  Each one of the Indians selected a pair of scissors, for clipping their hair, which, with the exception of two tufts, is shorn quite close on the top of the head.

            After the inspection of hardware was concluded, the Indians proceeded to Barnum's Museum, and looked through the different rooms.  The specimens of natural history, especially the larger animals, attracted their attention, but as to the thousand and one smaller curiosities they seemed to care nothing about them.  The live monkeys, the Happy Family, and the snakes, pleased them more than all the rest.  While they were looking at the curiosities at the Museum Billy Bowlegs joined the company, and amused himself by observing the antics of the monkey tribe.  From the Museum they returned to the American Hotel, where they refreshed themselves, and Billy again started out on a tour of inspection, while the remainder of the party betook themselves to their chairs and gazed moodily into the street.  Several persons called on them, but they were unwilling to converse, and even old Abram acted as if he would rather be allowed to enjoy quiet than anything else.  The truth was that they needed a bottle of Congress water apiece, to recover them from the depression which followed from the previous evening's work.

            As for Mr. Bowlegs, he accompanied some of his friends to the City Hall, where he was shown into the Mayor's office, and introduced to His Honor, Mayor Kingsland.  Billy seemed pleased with the attention which was paid to him, and conversed very freely upon the various topics that were introduced.  General Taylor's name being mentioned, the Seminole said eagerly, "O, I know that man.  I licked him."  And he laughed heartily; but soon bethinking himself, he added, "I fight no more now; kill nobody; s'pose I kill a thousan' men; that no good to me."  Billy here spoke in Indian to Mr. Griffin, a gentleman of the Commission who accompanied him, and Mr. G. interpreted his conversation, by stating that Mr. Bowlegs would like to say that he was once a great warrior, but that he did not intend to fight any more; that his business here was entirely peaceful in its character; he entertained the greatest good will towards the whites.  After some further conversation with the Mayor, Bowlegs was spirited away by a Committee of Invitation, to the Common Council tea Room, where the riches of the City sideboard were brought into requisition.  Billy addressed himself to the Aldermanic decanter which such zeal, that it was thought bet to make the visit to the Tea room as brief as possible.  Coming out into the passage, Mr. Micko licked his lips, wiped his mouth with his handkerchief, and casting a lingering look back towards the side-board, exclaimed, "Fust rate, much good."  Billy was now really merry.  The visit to the tea room had settled the matter, he was perceptibly and decidedly elevated, and in the very best humor possible to view the pictures in the Governor's room.  With the portraits he seemed to be much pleased.  He first looked at the portrait of Ex-president Van Buren, which some one by mistake, called Mr. Calhoun, "No," said Billy, "that's Van Buren, I know that man;"  passing on to the picture of Gen. Jackson, he was asked if he knew that, but he said no; on looking at Gen. Taylor's Portrait he laughed aloud, and pointing eagerly forward, said "O, I know that old feller, I licked him.  O yes, I tell 'bout it--Yes, I know this man.  He came from Pascagoula--(there he hesitated a long time for a word, and at length looked up and exclaimed,) "O, yes, a mail (meaning a mail carrier) was killed one day before, then this man came.  Yes I know him "fust rate."

            Passing on to the portrait of Gen. Scott, Billy looked steadily at it, and then shook his finger at the picture.  Some one asked, "Do you know that man?" to which he replied merely by a laugh.  "Can you whip him?" asked another, and to this interrogatory he also replied by a laugh.  He was next shown the picture of Commodore Perry, and expressed his admiration of it.  Passing on, Bowlegs was placed in front of Washington's portrait, and told who the picture represented.  Some one told him that this was the picture of the "Great Father" of our nation.  Billy asked how long ago he lived, and how many Presidents had lived since he died?  In fact he did not seem to understand, at all, who Washington was.  A very excellent likeness of Mr. Valentine, the Clerk of the Common Council, has lately been put up in the Governor's room; this picture attracted the Indian's attention, and he declared it looked as if it was alive.  After viewing the rest of the pictures which adorn the walls, Billy was introduced to Judge Woodruff, and returned the salutations of that gentleman with more politeness and grace than he had shown on any previous occasion since he first came among us.  Leaving the Governor's room the party went to the Superior Court Room, where Billy was introduced to Judge Rosevelt [sic].  The visit here was necessarily short, as the libations of the tea-room now began to effect the legs of Mr. Bowlegs; he was therefore conducted back to his hotel, a fit candidate for the recipiency of the kind offices of some of the temperance reformers.

            At 4 o'clock in the afternoon, the whole party of Indians took up their blankets, and were conveyed on board the steamer Florida, which Billy declared was a "very big boat."  Shortly after the party embarked, the Florida cast off her lines and started down the Bay.  The Indians took a friendly farewell of those who accompanied them to the steamer, and expressed themselves much gratified with their visit to New-York, Bowlegs alone qualifying his admiration of our City, by stating that it was " big town, very nice place, but too much folks."

            The good citizens of New-York lionized the Seminoles for three days, but honesty compels us to say that they, Bowlegs and party, are a hard set of barbarians, displaying but few of the noble traits of Indian character.  They were fuddled during the principal part of the time which they spent in the City, and all things considered, it is just as well that their visit was not prolonged.

 

Sept. 27, 1852:  New-York Daily Times [Seminole]

            Billy Bowlegs in Wall Street.

            It would be quite a study to analyze all that passes through the mind of the great Ingine, as he threads his way through th crowds of Wall street, and the labyrinths of its hundred or two of brick and granite buildings; and their whole courts and corridors of varied offices, vaults and cuddie [sic] holes.  Entering the street from Broadway, the first exclamation of Mr. Bowlegs would have been, provided his knowledge of our vernacular had been sufficient:  "How in the world do all these folks live in so small a compass!"  And we can readily imagine the answer of his sooty friend Abram, who, living once in Georgia or Carolina, and knowing white men to be very uncertain any how, would have said:  "By cheating each other!"

            But Billy Bowlegs has too much to do, to stop to discuss this point, curious as it seems.  He first dips into John Thompson's office to arrange a small matter of private finance, and on being denied the current on any terms for a dollar bill on one of the Wild Cat Banks of Washington, which he had taken as fust rate, and been told John knew all about, he comes up satisfied that Abram is a shrewd guessing darkie, and that there must be "cheating round the board somewhere."

            Proceeding down the street, he ascends the steep and unnumbered stone steps of the Custom House, and is probably introduced to Collector Maxwell, and his deputies, as far as they can be reached through the buzzing crowd of importer's clerks, ship masters, and other live cattle that throng Uncle Sam's Clearance house from ten to three.  Billy looks on with mute astonishment.  The operations are explained with the precision and dignity which Mr. M. usually employs to illustrious strangers.  The various oaths employed from one desk to another, are practically illustrated, whereupon Billy concludes he has fallen into a den of profane reprobates and demands to pass on.

            He is next shown into the Sub-Treasury office, and introduced to Mr. Bradish and his seven millions gold.  This last tickles him to a degree.  "Gold, very much," was the involuntary exclamation, and when he was told that the "pile" belonged to the Government, and constituted nearly one-sixth the amount which Mr. Van Buren employed to subdue his tribe in Florida, and then failed to do it, his astonishment knew no bounds. Invitation of Alderman Marvin, his next visit, we may readily suppose, would be to the Stock Brokers' Board, from which, however, he was soon happy to escape, as from a menagerie of uncaged wild beasts.  Some sixty or eighty bipeds appeared to be transformed into as many Bulls and Bears, bellowing and grunting at each other with a ferocity which the amiable Alderman (who presided) was wholly unable to control.  Billy had evidently found something beside the Washington bogus, not  "Fust rate."

            Mr. Bowlegs is then taken through a few of the leading bnanks.  The gauntness of some of their vaults, suggested a violent contrast with the strong box of Mr. Bradish, but when told that all, except Uncle Sam, go pretty much "on tick," he was satisfied on this point, but still thought of his bogus note, and wondered at the paper schemes of the pale face.  The funniest mistake of Billy, in this connection, was his reverential deference to the able and well known President of the _____ [sic] Bank, as "one of the cloth."  The President's neck tie was in fault.

            At the hour of high change, Mr. Bowlegs, we presume--for it must be understood that we write chiefly of what must have occurred in our absence, if it occurred at all, and without any very great degree of authority, that Mr. B., was really in Wall-st., was formally introduced to the merchants, and when given to understand that they owned and freighted the thousand ships and steamers he had seen all along the North and Eat Rivers, the day before, he concluded this to be too big a white village for one poor red man, and the next that was seen of him, and his interesting party, was on the Florida, steaming it down the Bay for the everglades of the South.

           

Sept. 28, 1852:   Alexandria Gazette  [Seminole]

            The deputation of Indian Chiefs was to embark from New York on Saturday in the steamship Florida, for Savannah, and thence proceed to Key West.

 

Sept. 29, 1852:  Daily National Intelligencer   [Shawnee]

            It is gratifying also to learn that the delegation of Shawnees, after many months' waiting in Washington, have at length been settled with, and are enabled to go home with a sum of money, that, when duly divided amongst their people, will probably do much good.  About thirty-eight thousand dollars is the amount they received, accruing from the sale of stocks in which their funds had been invested.  The Shawnees are very far advanced towards civilization.

 

Sept. 29, 1852:  New-York Daily Times [Shawnee]

            The Indian Bureau

            The Shawnee Indians, who have been here since lat Winter, have concluded their business with the Indian Bureau to-day, and have received $38,000, to be distributed among their people at home.

 

Oct. 10, 1852:  Daily National Intelligencer  [Seminole]

            The Florida Seminoles.--Billy Bowlegs and his companions arrived home on the 29th ultimo.  The Jacksonville (Fla.) News of the 2nd instant has the following:

            "We learn from Gen. Blake that Billy has entered into a solemn agreement to emigrate next March, with all the Indians he can induce to go, which he thinks will be nearly all in the country.  We feel disposed to believe that at last we may succeed in getting rid of our unwelcome neighbors, but shall not feel  certain till they are gone.